The Ninth Parliamentary Election of Sri Lanka in 2020: An Analysis of the Outcomes
Krishnamohan Thanabalasingam & Sathiyasegar Kandasamy
Professor in Political Science Eastern University, Sri Lanka,
krishnamohant@esn.ac.lk
Sathiyasegar Kandasamy
Senior Lecturer in Sociology and Anthropology
Eastern University, Sri Lanka,
Sri Lanka
sathiyasegar@gmail.com
DOI: 10.29322/IJSRP.10.10.2020.p10659
http://dx.doi.org/10.29322/IJSRP.10.10.2020.p10659
Abstract— The Sinhala Buddhists, who are the majority in Sri Lanka, helped the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) win an absolute majority in the ninth general election of Sri Lanka. The SLPP always wishes to exceed expectations and the president, who also belongs to the SLPP, claimed that the party’s performance in the general
election was better than what they had anticipated. The
United National Party (UNP), led by the former Prime
Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, suffered the worst
electoral defeat in their history as they managed to win
only one seat, that too through the national list. Ranil
Wickremesinghe also recorded his first defeat in an
electoral battlefield. The Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB),
led by Sajith Premadasa, that broke away from the UNP,
managed to gain 54 seats and emerged as the secondlargest alliance in the island. The Tamil National Alliance
(TNA), which used to enjoy the support of the majority in
the North and East of Sri Lanka, suffered a huge setback
as they ended up with only 10 seats, 6 less than what they
had won in the previous general election. The SLPP
managed to win approximately 59% of the popular vote
while the SJB won almost 24% of the votes, becoming the
second most popular party in the island ahead of the
veteran parties like the UNP and TNA.
Key Words— Constitution, Election, Parliament, Women,
Minorities
I. INTRODUCTION
Even though 16 million Sri Lankans were registered to vote to
elect the members of Sri Lanka’s ninth parliament, the
election campaign was mostly affected by the COVID-19
pandemic. According to the voters’ list of 2018, nearly 84% of
the registered voters polled their votes in the last November
2019 Presidential election. Considering the voters’ list of
2019, total registered voters’ numbers were 16,263,885. But
the polled votes fell to 12,343,308 (75.89%) due to the public
health issue. The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP)
contested against a weakened opposition party in the
parliament election. Even though the parliamentary election
was delayed twice due to the COVID-19, SLPP got 2/3
majority in the parliament with the help of other supporting
parties. The SLPP was expecting to get the two-thirds majority
(150 seats) in the parliament without other parties’ support.
But they were able to gain only 145 seats in the parliament.
The parliamentary elections results may be seen as an
indicator of its future political direction and help to increase
the potential executive president’s power. With obstacles from
the COVID-19 pandemic, during which the election
commission tried to make sure that polling was free, fair, and
safe for all. Due to the inability of foreign election monitors to
travel to the country due to the COVID-19 related restrictions
in place, the election was monitored by local personnel.
Therefore, this research article is focused on examining the
following crucial problems:
- Did the SLPP record a historic victory by gaining a
total of 6.8 million Sinhalese cast votes (59% of the
valid votes) in the ninth parliamentary election? - Why did UNP-led United National Front for Good
Governance secured 5.0 million votes in the 2015
General election but in the last parliament election,
just secured only 249,435 votes? - How to evaluate the political status of minority
parties in the ninth parliamentary election? - What, in the future, necessary strategies should be
developed to ensure maximum security to the
women’s political participation?
This research paper consists of two parts. The first part of the
research paper analyzes the parliament election results and
SLPP’s decisive victory. The second part of the research paper
analyzes the minority political parties’ status and women’s
political participation. This research was done qualitatively
and involved analysis of the content of the events. The content
analysis generally involved closely examining the text of
documents and the words of politicians and political analysts.
The data collected regarding the criticisms of the political
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parties’ manifesto of Sri Lanka on online literature, political
leaders’ speech, past election statistics, and research books
have been used to write this research article.
II. THEORY
The primary norm of proportional representation (PR) is,
every group of the society would secure their representation in
the parliament, in proportion to their population. Different
communities, who otherwise will go without representation,
will get representation according to their strength in numbers.
The main purpose of the PR system is to safeguard a
representative assembly reflecting the statistical exactness of
the various divisions in the constituency. Eminent political
thinker J.S Mill supported the PR system (Agarwal, R.C,
1976). He says that a parliament must represent, all the
divisions of the constituency and no minority should go
without any representation in the parliament. The parliament
is compared to maps. One cannot draw a map of a country
ignoring any part of the area of the country. All the areas of
the country should be represented in the map. Similarly, all the
areas of the constituency should be represented in the
parliament. The PR system has two methods. One is the Hare
system and the other one is the List system. Hare systems is
also known by other names such as preferential system or the
single transferable vote system. The voters exercise many
votes as there are several candidates and indicates their
preferences of the candidates for whom they vote. In the list
system candidates are grouped into lists, with each party
representing a separate list. A voter casts vote for a list. Every
party offers a list of its candidates up to the number of seats to
be filled from each constituency. A voter cast vote for the list
she/he likes. She/he may cast vote either for one candidate on
the list or may distribute all his votes to the different
candidates on the same list. But she/he cannot cast more than
one vote to any candidates. This system gives the opportunity
of representation to all parties, big or small, and confirms that
the parliament mirrors the view of all the people (Agarwal,
R.C, 1976). Under this system, even a minor or numerically
small group of people may send a representative if they can
organize themselves to cast the votes in favour of a candidate.
In the same way, even a small party can get the number of its
members elected with the help of constituencies of a district in
which it is popular. PR satisfies its aim by giving equal
chances to the minority.
The aim of the PR system allocates seats in the legislature
according to the casted number of votes to the political parties
or independent groups. Let’s consider this scenario as an
example. Based on the constituency, five seats are allowed
from a certain district or area. A party polling three fifth of the
total casting votes by the voters in that constituency will return
three out of five seats. Another party polling two fifth of the
total cast votes will return two seats. The party composition of
the legislature reflects the party preference of the electorate
with a considerable degree of accuracy in the electorate. For
example, hypothetical table 1 shows a legislature with five
seats with 200,000 voters in an electorate.
TABLE I
HYPOTHETICAL TABLE
Party Votes Seats in the Body
Casted
Votes
Percentage Number
of Returned
Percentage
A 120,00
0
60% 3 60%
B 80,000 40% 2 40%
Total 200,00
0
100% 5 100%
III. DISSOLVING the PARLIAMENT and COVID -19
The President can dissolve the parliament four and a half
(4-1 / 2) years after the commencement of the term of office of
a parliament of Sri Lanka. The power to dissolve parliament is
vested in the President by Article 70 (10) and section (2) (e) of
the constitution. Therefore, following these provisions, and
per the provisions of section 10 of the parliamentary elections
Act No. 1 of 1981, the President of the Democratic Socialist
Republic of Sri Lanka, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, dissolved the
parliament at midnight on March 2, 2020, and announced the
election for a new parliament will be held on April 25. He also
called on the new parliament to begin its session on May 14,
2020 (The Gazette of The Democratic Socialist Republic of
Sri Lanka, Extraordinary, No. 2165/8 – Monday, March 02,
2020).
During this period, the COVID-19 pandemic began to
spread in Sri Lanka. On March 19, Election Commission
announced that the parliamentary elections would be
postponed indefinitely, referring to instructions from the
Government Medical Officers’ Association (GMOA) that the
country’s health and medical conditions were in jeopardy.
Despite the COVID-19 pandemic in Sri Lanka, the
government was stubborn that elections should be held on
April 25 as planned. Against the government move, the
Election Commission banned political parties from holding
election rallies, mass meetings, and campaigns. However,
during a video conference with SAARC heads of state, Sri
Lankan president Gotabhaya Rajapakse reaffirmed that the
parliamentary elections would go ahead as planned.
Ignoring the president’s urgency and focus on holding the
parliamentary elections as planned, the Election Commission
of Sri Lanka postponed the parliamentary elections until June
20, using its powers. The Election Commission also wrote a
letter to the president on April 3, asking the president to seek
the advice from the Supreme Court on announcing a new date
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considering the constitution, and the health and medical
conditions of the country.
The President’s office had no intention of seeking advice
from the Supreme Court on holding parliamentary elections.
On April 9, the secretary to the president responded in writing
that it was the duty of the Election Commission to abandon its
warning of a constitutional crisis and hold parliamentary
elections. Finally, the parliamentary elections were not held on
April 25 amid the spreading COVID -19 pandemic. And the
Election Commission decided to postpone the general election
until June 20. On May 28, one of the members of the Election
Commission expressed his view opposing the holding of the
election under the influence of the government. This was
again seen as a matter of crisis between the president and the
constitution and was considered a fundamental rights issue
and turned into a matter for the Supreme Court.
As a challenge to the Gazette notice, the newspaper editor
Victor Ivan and seven others on 5th May 2020, Samagi Jana
Balawegaya and Champika Ranawaka of Jathika Hela
Urumaya on 6th May 2020, Kumara Welgama of New Sri
Lanka Freedom Party on 9th May, filed a fundamental rights
in the Supreme court (Colombo Page News Desk, Jun 2,
2020).
The petition stated, holding parliamentary elections on
June 20 is against the provisions of the constitution. The
petitioners also contended that the president’s gazette
notification on dissolving the parliament was invalid as the
new parliament could not be convened within three months of
its dissolution. Moreover, the petitioners have observed that
free and fair elections cannot be held in the context of the
COVID -19 crisis as the pandemic has not yet been brought
under control. The health-related risk will seriously hamper
the campaign efforts and they needed free and fair elections.
The petitioners, therefore, asked the Supreme Court to give a
verdict that the fundamental rights of the people are being
violated by holding elections before the conclusion of the
COVID -19-virus pandemic.
A five-member panel of the Supreme Court judges began
the hearings on May 18th to determine whether all the seven
petitions filed against the general election scheduled for June
20 should be taken up for the hearing or not. After a ten-days
hearing, the five Supreme Court judges unanimously
dismissed the case, saying the petitions would not be heard.
Following this, the Election Commission announced August
5
th, 2020, as the new date for holding parliamentary elections
(Colombo Page News Desk, Jun 2, 2020).
IV. ELECTORAL SYSTEM of the PARLIAMENT ELECTION of
SRI LANKA
The electoral system operates at three levels such as
national, provincial, and local in Sri Lanka. For administrative
purposes, the country has been divided into 25 administrative
districts. Article 96 (1) says that to hold elections, the country
can be divided into not less than twenty and not more than
twenty-five electoral districts. According to Article 96 (1) &
(2), the country has been divided into 22 electoral districts for
electoral purposes, of these 20 electoral districts have coboundary with the 25 electoral districts. According to Article
96 (3), an electoral district namely Vanni has been formed by
the Delimitation Commission who combined three
administrative districts, namely, Mullaitivu, Mannar, and
Vavuniya. The same way other an electoral district namely
Jaffna has been formed by the Delimitation Commission who
combined two administrative districts such as Jaffna and
Kilinochchi. The above 22 electoral districts have been
divided into 160 polling divisions. Article 94 (4) says that the
electoral districts of each province shall be altogether entitled
to elect four (4) members. Article 98 (1) says that the 22
electoral districts shall together be entitled to elect one
hundred and ninety-six (196) members for the parliament. In
this way, 160 parliament members shall be elected by 160
poling divisions from 22 electoral districts and besides based
on Article 98 (2), each electoral district shall elect thirty-six
(36) parliament members (The Constitution of the Democratic
Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka,2015).
Thus, the country is divided into 22 electoral districts for
parliamentary elections and each of these districts becomes a
constituency. According to Article 98 (4), the total number of
electors whose names appear in the registers of electors of all
the electoral districts shall be divided into one hundred and
sixty. The whole number, resulting from dividing numbers
(any fraction numbers not being considered) is hereinafter
referred to as the “qualifying number”.
According to the constitution, any person qualified to be a
voter is qualified to be elected as a member of parliament. The
parliamentary elections in Sri Lanka are held on the PR
system. The number of members of parliament to be elected
from each constituency is determined on a formula based on
the total number of voters in the country. A political party or
an independent group expecting to contest a constituency
should submit a list of names of candidates. Such a list should
contain three names more than the number of members to be
elected. A voter is entitled to one vote which must be cast for
the political party or the independent group of her/his choice.
She/he is also entitled to mark up to three preferences against
the names of three candidates of the political party or the
independent group he votes for. The number of members
elected from a political party or an independent group at an
election is determined based on the votes received by the
political party or group in the entire electorate.
196 candidates were elected from twenty-two electoral
district in the nine electoral provinces. Each electoral district
consists of different numbers of members based on the
population of voters like it show below (Daily FT,
Wednesday, 5 August 2020 03:43).
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TABLE II
COMPOSITION of MEMBERS in the 9TH PARLIAMENT-2020
Source: 5
th August 2020 Sri Lankan Parliamentary Elections, Election Commission
V. NINTH PARLIAMENT of SRI LANKA
The Election Commission announced on August 5
th
, 2020,
as the new date for holding parliamentary elections. In the
2020 parliamentary election, almost 16 million voters casted
their votes in 22 electoral districts, 7452 candidates contested
from recognized political parties, and independent groups.
Amongst, those 3652 candidates were from recognized
political parties and 3800 candidates were from independent
groups. A total of 313 independent groups contested in the
2020 parliamentary election. Among the 7452 candidates, 196
candidates were elected as parliamentarians out of 225 at the
district level under the PR system. And the rest of the 29
members were nominated through the national list under the
1978 constitution (Daily FT, Wednesday, 5 August 2020
03:43). It shows in the table:3 below.
TABLE III
9
TH PARLIAMENT ELECTION ACTIVITIES- AUGUST 5, 2020
Description Amount
Total Parliament MPs 225
Elected Members 196
National List Members 29
No. of Candidates 7,452
No of Eligible Voters 16,263,885
Electoral District 22
Polling Stations 12,985
Policemen on Election Duty 82,000
Health Service on Election Duty 8,000
Source: Daily FT, Wednesday, 5 August 2020
Even though in the 2015 parliamentary election more
political parties and independent groups contested, only six
S.
No
Electoral
Provinces
Electoral District Elected
Candidates in
the District
Level
Elected
Members in the
Provincial Level
Contested
Candidates
1 Western Colombo 19
47
924
Gampaha 18 693
Kalutara 10 312
2 Central Kandy 12
25
435
Nuwara Eliya 08 275
Matale 05 184
3 Southern Galle 09
23
312
Matara 07 200
Hambantota 07 190
4 North-West Kurunegala 15
23
396
Puttalam 08 352
5 Sabaragamuwa Ratnapura 11
20
308
Kegalle 09 228
6 Eastern Digamadulla 07
16
540
Batticaloa 05 304
Trincomalee 04 189
7 North -Central Anuradhapura 09
14
264
Polonnaruwa 05 152
8 Uva Badulla 09
15
288
Monaragala 06 171
9 Northern Jaffna 07
13
330
Vanni 06 405
Total 196 196 7452
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political parties were able to represent their members in the
parliament (General Election, 2015). They are the United
National Party (UNP), the United People’s Freedom Alliance
(UPFA), the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK), the
People’s Liberation Front (JVP), the Sri Lanka Muslim
Congress (SLMC) and the Eelam People’s Democratic Party
(EPDP)
But in the parliamentary elections held on August 5, 2020,
fifteen political parties fielded their members in the parliament
(General Election, 2015). The SLPP gained most of the seats
at the parliamentary general election in 2020. Other political
parties to obtain seats in parliament general election were the
Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi
(ITAK), Jathika Jana Balawegaya (JJB), Eelam People’s
Democratic Party (EPDP), Ahila Ilankai Thamil Congress
(AITC), Thamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP), Sri
Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), Muslim National Alliance
(MNA), Thamil Makkal Thesiya Kuttani (TMTK), All Ceylon
Makkal Congress (ACMC), National Congress (NC), Sri
Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), United National Party
(UNP) and the Our Power of People Party (OPPP). Given
below is a table showing the distribution of seats for each
political party (Parliament of Sri Lanka, Monday, August 10,
2020)
Source: Parliament of Sri Lanka, Monday, August 10, 2020
The SLPP recorded a historic victory with 145 seats
through gaining a total of 6.8 million cast votes with 59% of
the valid votes in the ninth parliamentary election. The SLPP
secured 6.9 million votes in the November 2019 presidential
election but in the last parliament election, just about one
hundred thousand votes were lost due to various political
scenarios. Like the parliamentary election victory back in
2010, after ending the civil war with LTTE, the SLPP’s
performance in the 2020 parliament election was very
impressive in many ways.
The election results show that the SLPP’s landslide victory
was recorded mostly with Sinhalese votes. Except for
Sathasivam Viyalendiran in the Batticaloa district, Jeevan
Thondaman, and M. Rameshwaran in the Nuwara Eliya
district and Kader Mastan in the Vanni district, all the other
SLPP candidates were elected by the Sinhalese votes in Sri
Lanka. Therefore, it can be argued that out of the 145 seats
won by SLPP, 141 seats were won with Sinhala voters. SLPP
has created a government of the Sinhalese without the support
of the minority people, who were considered as kingmakers of
the previous government. As diplomatically, SLPP succeeded
in carrying out anti-minority propaganda among the majority
TABLE IV
VOTES, SEATS & NATIONAL LIST BY PARTY – ALL ISLAND 2020
S.No
Party Votes % Elected Seats
National
List Total Seats
1
SLPP 6,853,690 59.09 128 17 145
2
SJB 2,771,980 23.90 47 7 54
3
ITAK 327,168 2.82 9 1 10
4
JJB 445,958 3.84 2 1 3
5
AITC 67,766 0.58 1 1 2
6
EPDP 61,464 0.53 2 0 2
7
UNP 249,435 2.15 0 1 1
8
OPPP 67,758 0.58 0 1 1
9 TMV
P 67,692 0.58 1 0 1
10
SLFP 66,579 0.57 1 0 1
11
MNA 55,981 0.48 1 0 1
12 TMT
K 51,301 0.44 1 0 1
13 ACM
C 43,310 0.37 1 0 1
14
NC 39,272 0.34 1 0 1
15 SLM
C 34,428 0.39 1 0 1
Total 196 29 225
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Sinhalese population. The SLPP then appointed three Muslim
MPs and one Tamil MP as members of parliament while
appointing the members of the national list. It is an attempt to
provide a small relief to the mental anguish caused to the
minority people during the campaign and to spread the
message that a government has been established that will
incorporate and rule all the people of the country.
The ninth parliament election result in Sri Lanka has once
more confirmed that Mahinda Rajapaksa is the preferred
Sinhala Buddhist leader by the majority of people. And 2019
Presidential election results have made Gotabaya Rajapaksa,
who is the younger brother of Mahinda Rajapaksha, as the
most powerful president of the country. Kusal Perera, a
veteran political analyst, writer, and a strong critic of
governments, said: “Yes, Sri Lanka has been gradually turning
into a majoritarian country… That is what is guaranteed in
these two elections – November’s Presidential victory and this
Parliamentary result” (Indian Express, August 9, 2020,
10:33:48 am). The poll results indicated nothing but the fact
that Sri Lankan people wanted a strongly Sinhala Buddhist
leader. Mahinda Rajapaksa is the most popular leader;
Gotabaya Rajapaksa is the most powerful leader. They have
big challenges in front of them without provoking racism,
should plan and go forward with suitable developmentoriented policies, without discriminating the Sri Lankans.
Gotabaya Rajapaksa has foreign exposure and knowledge, he
knows that development-oriented policies alone will save the
country and he is working towards that, to improve the
economy.
An equally important scenario of the 2020 general election
has been the downfall of the UNP. The UNP is the largest and
liberal party in the history of Sri Lanka. Since the party was
founded by the first prime minister of Sri Lanka’s D.S.
Senanayake on 6 September 1946. It has come to power for 36
times in the 72 years of the post-independence of Sri Lanka.
The UNP has a noble history as it has made six heads of
government. They are, namely, D.S. Senanayake, Dudley
Senanayake, Sir John Kotelawala, J.R. Jayewardene,
Ranasinghe Premadasa, and D.B. Wijetunga. (Presidential
Secretariat,2020). However, Ranasinghe Premadasa was the
last elected head of government from the UNP, he was
assassinated by the LTTE in May 1993. In the last parliament
election, there was a split between the two leaders and
contesting separately, with former Prime Minister Ranil
Wickremasinghe led the UNP, and Sajith Premadasa led the
breakaway faction, the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB). UNP
leader Ranil Wickremasinghe met the first historical letdown
in his political career in last parliament election. UNP secured
only 249,435 votes or 2.15 % of the total valid votes. They
could not gain one seat in the parliament too. They gained only
one national list seat in the parliament. While UNP lost all its
seats, its substitute party Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB)
alliance gained reasonable seats in the parliament. It was led
by Sajith Premadasa, who is the son of the former president
Premadasa who was the leader of the UNP. The SJB came in a
second winner and Sajith Premadasa secured the status of the
opposition party leader in the ninth parliament. The SJB
secured 24% of the popular vote and 54 parliamentary seats
including seven national list seats. It is noted that in the 2010
parliamentary election, UNP’s got 29% of the popular vote and
60 parliament seats. Two SJB partner parties, the SLMC, and
the ACMC secured a seat each under their flag, which made an
effective opposition with 56 members of parliament.
VI. WOMEN REPRESENTATION
Women comprise over 50% of the total population in Sri
Lanka. Although, when it comes to political participation at
the local and national levels, the number of women politicians
is at a very minimal level in the country. Sri Lanka enjoyed
electing the world’s first woman prime minister who served
three terms in that capacity and her daughter Chandrika
Bandaranaike Kumaratunga served as a president for two
consecutive terms. After that Sri Lanka has not witnessed any
notable progress in women’s participation in politics.
When taking into consideration women’s representation in
the 2020 parliament election, there were nearly 59 women
representatives who received nominations from various
political parties to contest in the parliamentary election 2020,
but only eight (8) candidates won the election. Also, four (4)
women selected to the parliament, as national lists members,
where two representatives from SLPP, one from SJB, and one
from Jathika Jana Balawegaya (JJB). Altogether, twelve (12)
women were selected as a member of parliament out of 225 in
the 9th parliament (News wire,14.08.2020). It shows the
table:5 below.
TABLE V
WOMEN IN THE 9TH PARLIAMENT
Source: The Gazette of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka,
Extraordinary, No. 2187/26
According to the web site of the women’s national
parliament archive, in 2018, Pakistan secured 20.2% women
representation in the lower house and 19.2% in the upper
house. In 2018, Bangladesh secured 20.7% of women’s
representation in parliament. In 2017 Nepal secured 32.7% of
women representation in the lower house and 37.3 % in the
upper house. In 2014, India secured 12.6% women
Party District Name
SLPP
Ratnapura Pavithra Wanniarachchi
Muditha Soyza
SJB Thalatha Athukorale
SLPP Kegalle Rajika Wickremesinghe
SLPP Gampaha Sudharshani Fernandopille
Kokila Gunawardene
Galle Geetha Kumarasinghe
SJB Matale Rohini Kaviratne
SLPP
National List Seetha Arambepola
Manjula Dissanayake
SJB Diana Gamage
JJB Harini Amarasuriya
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representation in the lower house and 11.5% in the upper
house (Women in national parliaments,2019).
While compared South Asia with Sri Lanka’s experience,
from 1994 to 2020, it indicated that women’s participation in
Sri Lanka is at a very minimal level. The below chart indicates
that the reality of Sri Lanka’s women’s political participation in
the last thirty years. The women activists’ concern is that
women’s representation in the parliament increased only so far
5.3% in the history of Sri Lanka (Parliament of Sri Lanka,
Lady Members). It is shown in the figure I below.
FIGURE I
WOMEN REPRESENTATION IN THE PARLIAMENT FROM1994
TO 2025
Source: Parliament of Sri Lanka, Lady Members
Forty-eight (48) members have been elected to the
parliament on behalf of the minority people in the recent
parliamentary elections in 2020. Twenty-eight of them (28)
represent the Tamil people from different parts of the country
on behalf of different political parties and of the twenty-eight
members, twenty-five members have been elected from
deferent districts. The other three members were selected
through the respective political party’s national list (The
Gazette of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka,
Extraordinary, No. 2187/26). It is shown in the table VI below.
TABLE VI
TAMIL MEMBERS in the 9
TH PARLIAMENT ELECTION 2020
Source: The Gazette of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, Extraordinary, No. 2187/26
VII. TAMIL and MUSLIMS MEMBERS in the 9
TH PARLIAMENT
In the year 2001, the Tamil United Liberation Front
(TULF) prominent leaders formed a new political wing, which
is named as the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), with uniting
all other moderate Tamil political parties and some ex-militant
groups. It contested in the parliamentary election held on 5th
December 2001 under the TULF symbol and secured 3.89 %
(348,164) votes won 15 seats in the North and Eastern
Province.
At present, three political parties like ITAK, PLOTE, and
TELO came under one umbrella in the name of TNA. In the
last general election for the 9th parliament, TNA suffered a
setback in the north and east, they secured only 325,168 votes
and gained nine seats. Out of nine seats, ITAK won five seats
including two seats from Jaffna, one seat from Vanni,
Batticaloa, and Trincomalee district. In the other four seats,
the TELO won two seats from Vanni and one seat from
Batticaloa, and the PLOTE won the one seat from Jaffna
District and but no candidate was nominated in the Batticaloa
district representing PLOTE. But the ex-candidate of the
PLOTE contested for SLPP and won the seat in the Batticaloa
district. Now he is a State Minister of Postal Services and
Professional Development of Journalists in the SLPP
Government (The Gazette of the Democratic Socialist
Republic of Sri Lanka, Extraordinary, No. 2187/26).
Comparing with the previous election, we can say, that the
TNA’s best election period was in 2004 of the parliamentary
election, they secured 6.84% of the popular votes (633,654)
and secured 22 seats. Furthermore, following election periods,
they secured 2.90% (233,190) votes and 14 seats in 2010,
4.62% (515,963) votes and 16 seats in 2015 and 2.82%
(327,168) votes and 10 seats in 2020.
Twenty (20) represent the Muslim people from different
parts of the country on behalf of different political parties and
of the 20 members, sixteen members have been elected
deferent district. The other four members were selected
through the respective political party’s national list (The Gazette
Methods ITAK SJB SLFP EPDP AITC TMVP TMTK SLPP Total
Elected 9 7 1 2 1 1 1 3 25
National List 1 1 1 03
Total 28
International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications, Volume 10, Issue 10, October 2020 441
ISSN 2250-3153
This publication is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution CC BY.
http://dx.doi.org/10.29322/IJSRP.10.10.2020.p10659 www.ijsrp.org
of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, Extraordinary, No.
2187/26). It is shown in the table VII below.
TABLE VII
MUSLIMS MEMBERS in the 9
TH PARLIAMENT ELECTION 2020
Methods SJB SLPP NC ACMC SLMC MNA Total
Elected 11 1 1 1 1 1 16
National
List
1 3 04
Total 20
Source: The Gazette of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka,
Extraordinary, No. 2187/26
I. CONCLUSION
The outcome of the election will make a significant impact
on the constitutional amendment. Gotabaya Rajapaksa was
elected as president in late 2019. Following the 2019 April
21st Easter attack, he has led a national security and pronationalism campaign camp. Through this, he was beloved by
Sinhalese ethnic majority though he could not gain the
favoritism from Tamil ethnic and Muslim religious minorities.
The SLPP now has sustained a strong position in the
parliament. Its victory affirmed that the president’s nationalist
agenda and encouraged many of his policy positions. The
objective of the party, to gain a two-thirds majority in the
parliament. The two-third majority, which is the need for
SLPP’s governance to amend the country’s political structure.
specifically, by repealing the constitution’s 19th Amendment,
to increase presidential powers relative to parliament and the
judiciary. The SLPP is in a clear stand in their plans to amend
the 19th Amendment.
The people of Sri Lanka have strong political party
affiliations. Based on that, people had voted their preferred
political party in the last general election. But all of them,
have a dual role in the general election, one is to give the party
loyalty, and another one is to be an independent voter. But
people failed to reject the candidates with the records of
serious crime, financial fraud, inability, selfish and abused
power while holding the public office in the last general
election. In the year 2009, the 30-year armed struggle came to
end. But yet, the issues that contributed to this civil war has
been not resolved. For the resolving issues, the previous
governments had appointed many commissions and expert
committees. The previous governments supported
arrangements for power-sharing and gave public assurances in
this regard. On the perspective of Sri Lankan minorities, the
people of Sri Lanka voted for the candidates who are yet to
understand the need for diversity in the society and to the
governance that promotes violence and discrimination against
minority communities.
But all ethnic groups of Sri Lanka have indeed voted for a
government that gives importance to the Economic
Development. Even the Tamil ethnic minority have given their
importance to Economy development along with their ethnic
rights.
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