Farewell Mr. Sampanthan- champion for unity in diversity
6 July 2024 12:00 amViews – 68 0 Bookmark

With confusing, contradictory and sometimes mysterious announcements about the upcoming elections—we still do not know whether it will be a presidential or parliamentary election—the death of the Tamil National Alliance leader R. Sampanthan needs to encourage and inspire other political leaders to act peacefully and calmly to find a just and fair solution to Sri Lanka’s ethnic crisis.
Since independence in 1948 there has been unity in diversity but with the tragic death of the statesman D. S. Senanayake other leaders started using or recklessly misusing the ethnic issue for personal glory or party gain. After the sudden death of D. S. Senanayake, Dudley Senanayake succeeded his father as the second prime minister, despite apparent reservation by other party frontliners including S.W. R. D. Bandaranaike. In 1953 Dudley Senanayake resigned in the aftermath of the hartal in 1953 and was succeeded by his cousin Sir John Kotelawala. Mr. Bandaranaike played the Sinhala-only card and won the 1956 General election. In alliance with veterans such as Philip Gunawardena to form the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna coalition government the United National Party’s frontliner J. R. Jayewardene tried to outdo Mr. Bandaranaike in an apparent racial politics and promised Sinhala only within 24 hours. The interparty battle went on with mild and calm S. J. V. Chelvanayakam leading the Federal Party’s struggle for regional autonomy in a united Sri Lanka. Mr. Bandaranaike also apparently realised the folly of his racial politics and reached an agreement with the Federal Party for the formation of district councils which had fewer powers than the provincial councils.
But anti-national and ambitious political parties working behind the scenes, persuaded a Buddhist monk, Somarama Thera to kill Mr. Bandaranaike by shooting him at point-blank range when he was invited to visit the Bandaranaike mansion at Rosmeid Place.
For a short time after that Wijeyananda Dahanayake acted as Prime Minister. He was a simple man and became famous by coming to Parliament in span clothes or ‘Amude’.
General elections were held in March 1960 and Dudley Senanayake led the UNP to victory but with a slim majority. But he lost a motion of no confidence when SLFP and elite strategists turned to SWRD Bandaranaike’s widow Sirimavo Ratwatte Dias Bandaranaike to take over the leadership with the Time magazine carrying her photograph on the front page under the headline ‘The Weeping Widow’.
Despite her lack of experience in Party politics, Ms. Bandaranaike did a fairly good job because she was guided by experienced civil service officers who were known for their honesty and integrity unlike the situation today where bribery and corruption are rampant from top to bottom. Despite the good work it was Dudley Senanayake again who won the 1965 General Election and he took the most significant step towards unity by forming a National Government including the Federal Party with its frontliner M. Tiruchelvam receiving the key portfolios of local government.
Mr. Senanayake and the Federal party reached the Senanayake-Chelvanayakam Pact but a Cabinet Minister leaked it to the media and created tension in the country. With this issue with the Prime Minister being forced to cut the rice ration from two measures at a subsidised rate to one measure free, the move was unpopular and helped Ms. Bandaranaike to lead her party to resounding victory in the July 1970 General Elections. She formed a coalition with the Lanka Samasamaja Party and the Communist Party of Sri Lanka. The government drafted a new republican constitution where Ceylon was officially renamed as Sri Lanka and other major changes were brought about. However, the coalition gradually fell apart and many analysts believe that one of the key factors that lead to the war was the district quota system in education. In terms of that the students who got 3 As at the Advanced Level examination in the North while a student who got an A in the less privileged Monaragala district was admitted to the university.
In 1977 the UNP leader J. R. Jayewardene led the party to a record victory with an unprecedented 5/6 majority in Parliament. On Independence Day February 4, the next year Mr. Jayewardene introduced the Executive Presidential system with the then Federal Party leader A. Amirthalingam becoming the Leader of the Opposition.
As we bid farewell to Mr. Sampanthan tomorrow let us hope that party leaders will work towards ethnic unity and Sri Lanka will become a nation of unity in diversity.
“Perunthalaiver” Rajavarothayam Sampanthan’s Political Journey
Former Opposition Leader and Tamil National Alliance (TNA) leader R. Sampanthan greets Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in India
- Rajavarothayam Sampanthan a lawyer by profession served as MP for the Trincomalee electorate from 1977 to 1983.
- A large number of people including political leaders and diplomats paid their respects in Colombo when Sampanthan’s body was kept for viewing at the Raymonds funeral parlour.
- Sampanthan had diligently built up a lucrative legal practice in Trincomalee. His clients ranged from the high and mighty to the poor and low.
Veteran Tamil political leader and senior Trincomalee district MP, Rajavarothayam Sampanthan passed away peacefully in Colombo on 30 June 2024. The nonagenarian Sampanthan who had been ailing for some time was listening after dinner to an audio tape of “Kanthasashti Kavasam” verses sung by the Soolaman Sisters Rajalakshmi and Jeyalakshmi when he collapsed with a groan. Sampanthan was immediately taken to Lanka Hospital where he breathed his last around 11 PM.
The Kanthasashti Kavasam composed by Balan Devaraya Swamigal consists of devotional verses praising Lord Murugan or Skandha. Muruga the second son of Lord Shiva and Parvathy is regarded as the “Thamizhkkadavul” or God of Tamils. Passing away peacefully while listening to Kandha Sashti Kavasam verses is indeed a blessed death for devout Hindus. Sampanthan was a deeply religious person whose family deity is the Pathrakali Amman of Trincomalee.
Born on February 5, 1933, 91-year-old Sampanthan was the senior most Parliamentarian in terms of age among current MPs. He was also the Parliamentary group leader of the Ilankai Thamil Arasuk Katchi (ITAK) known as the Federal Party (FP) in English. Earlier Sampanthan was the Parliamentary group leader of the configuration known as the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) of which the ITAK was the chief constituent.
Rajavarothayam Sampanthan a lawyer by profession served as MP for the Trincomalee electorate from 1977 to 1983. Later on he was Trincomalee district MP from 1997 to 2000 and from 2001 to date. Altogether the veteran leader was an MP for 32 years. He was also the leader of the Opposition in Parliament from 2015 to 2019.
Sampanthan was in full control of his mental faculties until the last. His physical condition however had deteriorated due to age and infirmity. His mobility was restricted being confined to a wheel chair. His parliamentary attendance was rather low. He had been unable to visit his constituency Trincomalee for quite a while. Some weeks ago, Sampanthan obtained three months leave from Parliament citing ill-health. He sustained breathing difficulties a few weeks ago and was admitted to Lanka Hospital. Sampanthan’s condition improved and was discharged. His death occurred a few days after he returned home.
Funeral Arrangements
The veteran leader’s mortal remains were kept at the AF Raymonds Funeral Parlour at Borella for viewing on July 2nd and 3rd. Thereafter the senior MP’s body lay in state in Parliament in the afternoon of 3rd. Sampanthan’s body was taken to Jaffna by air on July 4th where it was honoured by ITAK members and supporters at the Party headquarters on Martin Street, Jaffna. Sunsequeqntly the coffin was taken in a procession and kept at the “SJV Chelvanayagam memorial auditorium” for the public in Jaffna to pay their respects.
Sampanthan’s mortal remains were taken by air from Jaffna to Trincomalee on July 5th. According to funeral arrangements, the Trincomalee veteran’s body was to be kept on July 5th and 6th at his residence on Post Office road, Trinco for the people of Trincomalee to pay their respects. The observance of last rites and the funeral has been scheduled for tomorrow (Sunday July 7).
A large number of people including political leaders and diplomats paid their respects in Colombo when Sampanthan’s body was kept for viewing at the Raymonds funeral parlour. Among these were President Ranil Wickremesinghe, Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, leader of the Opposition Sajith Premadaa and US ambassador Julie Chung. Among those who issued condolence messages were Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin, Indian Foreign Affairs Minister S.Jaishankar and former Indian Cabinet Minister P. Chidamparam.
President Ranil Wickremesinghe and Rajavarothayam Sampanthan entered Parliament together for the first time in July 1977. In a commendable gesture, President Wickremesinghe wanted a state funeral with full military honours to be conducted for Sampanthan. While Sampanthan’s family members and sections of his party were amenable, an influential group in the ITAK were not in favour.
However the Govt has been very cooperative with the funeral arrangements. Sampanthan’s body was taken by air from Colombo to Jaffna and from Jaffna to Trinco by the Sri Lanka Air Force. It is learnt that the dynamic Eastern province Governor Senthil Thondaman’s officials will coordinate and oversee funeral arrangements in Trinco in tandem with Sampanthan’s family members and party stalwarts.
Tamil United Liberation Front
As mentioned earlier Sampanthan entered Parliament in 1977. He contested Trinco and won as a member of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF). The TULF formed on 14 May 1976 contested the 21 July 1977 Parliamentary Elections adopting a secessionist platform. The TULF scored a resounding victory in the Tamil-dominated Northern Province by winning all 14 electorates in the North. In the Tamil majority Eastern Province, the TULF won in four out of the five constituencies where a Tamil MP could be elected.
Thus the TULF won 18 of the 19 “Tamil” electorates it contested and became the second largest party in the 1977 Parliament. The TULF with 18 MPs became the chief Opposition party and its Secretary-General Appapillai Amirthalingam made history as the first Tamil Leader of the Opposition.
Of the 18 TULF MPs originally elected in 1977 only three were among the living in 2024. They were nonagenarians Chelliah Rajadurai (Batticaloa), Rajavarothayam Sampanthan (Trincomalee) and Veerasingham Anandasangaree (Kilinochchi).
Rajadurai now lives in blissful retirement shuttling between Malaysia, India and Sri Lanka. Sampanthan serving as an MP is no more now. Anandasangaree is yet in active politics but is not an MP. Moreover it is only Anandasangaree who still remains loyal to the TULF and gives leadership as Secretary-General to the party which is now a shadow of its former self. Incidentally Sangaree who turned 91 last June was hospitalised some days ago due to a bad fall. He is now pronounced out of danger but will miss the funeral of his personal friend turned political foe Sampanthan.
Influential Tamil Leaders
An illustrative aspect of Sri Lankan Tamil political history is the phenomena of influential leaders emerging and dominating at different times and different phases. The Ponnambalam brothers Ramanathan and Arunachalam, A.Mahadeva, GG Ponnambalam, SJV Chelvanayagam and Appaipillai Amirthalingam are democratic leaders who held sway at different periods of time. The rise of armed Tamil militancy and the “specter” of Veluppillai Prabhakaran’s enforced leadership is a different kettle of fish.
By the yardstick mentioned above, the post-war years from 2010 to 2024 could be regarded as the period of Rajavarothayam Sampanthan’s leadership. Even though his grip had slackened in the last few years, Sampanthan remained the undisputed Sri Lankan Tamil leaders in stature as well as in symbolic terms. He was leader of the ITAK until 2014 and the leader of the Tamil National Alliance parliamentary group for many years.
Even though Sampanthan held no official party position in recent times and was greatly dysfunctional due to ill-health, his leadership status was always acknowledged and recognised. Diplomats representing powerful countries as well as Sinhala political leaders would visit him at home. Moreover Tamil media and politicians would refer to him as “Perunthalaiver” or great leader.
“Perunthalaiver” Kamaraj
Interestingly enough the epithet “Perunthalaiver” (Great leader) came into prominence in Tamil political discourse due to renowned Indian political leader and former Tamil Nadu Chief Minister K. Kamaraj. He was at one time a very powerful president of the Congress party and played the role of Kingmaker in 1964 and Queenmaker in 1966. Lalbahadur Shastri succeeded Jawarhalal Nehru as Prime Minister in 1964 and Nehru’s daughter Indira Gandhi succeeded Shastri in 1966 as premier. Kamaraj as Congress president played a pivotal role in these appointments.
Despite his all India stature and pre-eminence, Kamaraj and his party the Congress lost elections in Tamil Nadu in 1967. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagham (DMK) came into power. Meanwhile the Congress party itself split. Indira Gandhi gained the upper hand while those opposing her like Kamaraj were on the wane. In the 1971 elections the Congress faction led by Kamaraj and others were defeated all over India including Tamil Nadu though Kamaraj won his MP seat.
The years that followed were a lean period for Kamaraj politically. Nevertheless he retained considerable respect as a great leader. The ‘out of office” Kamaraj was then called Perunthalaiver out of respect. He was perceived as a great leader despite not having any official post. In Indian political discourse the epithet “Perunthalaiver” can only refer to Kamaraj just as “Mahathma” can only refer to MK Gandhi and Netaji to Subhash Chandra Bose.
“Perunthalaiver” Sampanthan
What is interesting and significant here is Kamaraj’s epithet “Perunthalaiver” being attached to Sampanthan in Sri Lankan Tamil political discourse. Like Kamaraj, Sampanthan held no official position except being an MP but like Kamaraj, Sampanthan could not pale into insignificance or be sidelined. Hence the recognition and acknowledgement of the description Perunthalaiver”. It is against this backdrop that this column focuses on the political journey of “Perunthalaiver” Sampanthan in this two-part article.
Rajavarothayam Sampanthan was born in Trincomalee as the eldest of seven children on February 5th 1933. His father A.Rajavarothayam was in Government service during British colonial rule. He retired after independence as Superintendent of stores at the Gal Oya Dam and Reservoir Construction scheme.
Sampanthan was educated at four Christian institutions. They were St. Joseph’s College Trincomalee, St.Patrick’s College, Jaffna, St. Anne’s College, Kurunegala and St. Sebastian’s College, Moratuwa. Sampanthan was to say in a media interview later that he had to study in several schools because of his father being transferred from place to place.
Proctor
After completing his secondary education at St. Sebastians, Moratuwa Sampanthan known as “Sam” to his friends entered the then Ceylon Law College. In those pre-Attorney-at-law days, Sampanthan passed out as a proctor in 1958. After a period of apprenticeship at the reputed FJ and G de Saram law firm in Colombo , Sampanthan returned to his hometown Trincomalee to practise law.
NR Rajavarothayam
The young lawyer devoted his time and energy to build up a solid legal practice. He resisted the lure of politics to a great extent though two of his close relatives were politicians. S. Sivapalan elected from the All Ceylon Tamil Congress(ACTC) as Trincomalee MP in 1947 was an uncle. The then sitting MP for Trincomalee N.R. Rajavarothayam was a cousin.NRR as he was generally known served as the ITAK/FP Trincomalee MP from 1952 to 1963.
Though Sampanthan was somewhat lukewarm about politics, he was compelled to engage in political propaganda for his cousin the ITAK candidate Rajavarothayam at the March and July 1960 elections. He also became an ITAK party member and was active in the youth front. In 1961 February, the ITAK/FP launched a massive civil disobedience campaign to protest the imposition of Sinhala as the sole official language in administration. Thousands of volunteers observed “Satysgraha” in front of all the Kachcheris in the Northern and Eastern provinces thereby paralysing day to day administration.
“Satyagraha”
Sampanthan too participated in the Trinco Satyagraha campaign led by NR Rajavarothayam. The Government led by Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike cracked down hard after the April new year. The Police and Armed forces used brute force to disperse the unarmed peaceful Satyagrahis. People suspected of giving leadership to the Satyagraha movement were arrested under emergency regulations and detained without trial at the Panagoda Army cantonment.
Among those placed under house arrest from Trincomalee was Sampanthan. The young lawyer had a problem. He was due to sit for the UK solicitors exam. Sampanthan sought the advice of ITAK Leader Chelvanayagam who was a leading lawyer and eminent Queen’s counsel (QC). Chelvanayakam gave Sampanthan the green light to sit for the exam. So Sampanthan submitted an apology of sorts and exited the Panagoda cantonment.
Declined Candidacy Offers
NR Rajavarothayam died at the age of 55 in 1963. There was a by-election. Chelvanayagam who encouraged young persons to come forward in politics asked Sampanthan to be the ITAK candidate at the by election. Sampanthan declined the offer. SM Manickarajah contested as ITAK candidate and won.
In 1970 Manickrajah retired from politics. Chelvanayagam again invited Sampanthan to be the ITAK Trinco candidate at the 1970 elections. Again Sampanthan respectfully turned down the offer. B. Neminathan contested polls as the Trincomalee ITAK candidate and won in 1970. Neminathan’s lacklustre performance as MP disappointed Trincomalee residents. As a result there was much pressure on the ITAK leadership to replace Neminathan.
The seventies of the 20th century was a period of crucial importance in the history of Sri Lankan Tamil politics. In a significant turn of events, the chief Tamil political parties closed ranks and formed the Tamil United Front (TUF) in 1972 . It was re-structured in 1976 as the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF). Elections were scheduled for 1977. Chelvanayagam resolved that Sampanthan should be the TULF candidate to contest Trincomalee.
“Periyavar” Chelvanayagam
Meanwhile Sampanthan had diligently built up a lucrative legal practice in Trincomalee. His clients ranged from the high and mighty to the poor and low. Sampanthan was to admit candidly to me in a conversation many years ago at his apartment in Manthaively, Chennai that he tried to evade “Periyavar” (Chelvanayakam) as much as possible. “The situation facing Tamils in Trinco was dire and I could not say no to him” he said (I write from memory).
Chelvanayagam who was to die in April 1977 due to a fall in the bathroom may have had a premonition of his death. Some months before his demise, Chelvanayagam had a meeting with his political heir apparent Appapillai Amirthalingam and his nominee for Trincomalee candidacy Rajavarothayam Sampanthan.
On the one hand Chelva got Sampanthan to re-affirm his commitment to contest in Trincomalee. On the other hand Chelvanayagam wanted Amirthalingam’s commitment to field Sampanthan as the TULF Trincomalee candidate. After Amirthalingam agreed, Chelva told Amir, whatever happens and whatever the problems you must ensure that Sampanthan contests as TULF candidate.
Two Problems
The sentiments expressed by Chelvanayagam at that point of time were prophetic indeed. When elections were announced and the time for nomination drew near, two problems arose. One was external and the other internal. Internally there was strong opposition from a segment within the TULF to Sampanthan being the party candidate. They wanted another ex-MP to be the TULF candidate. Externally a very strong Tamil nationalist candidate also wanted to contest separately in Trinco. If that happened and the Tamil nationalist vote got fragmented the UNP or SLFP candidate may have won.
It was a dicey situation. Yet Sampanthan contested in Trincomalee as TULF candidate in 1977 despite the obstacles. What happened then as well as further details of Sampanthan’s political journey would be narrated in the second part of this article.
D.B.S.Jeyaraj can be reached at dbsjeyaraj@yahoo.com
இரா.சம்பந்தன் காலமானார்

மூத்த அரசியல் தலைவரும் தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பின் தலைவருமான நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் இராஜவரோதயம் சம்பந்தன் இன்றைய தினம் ஞாயிற்றுக்கிழமை தனது 91ஆவது வயதில் காலமானார்.
கொழும்பிலுள்ள தனியார் வைத்தியசாலையில் சிகிச்சைக்காக அனுமதிக்கப்பட்டிருந்த நிலையில் சிகிச்சை பலனின்றி காலமானார்.
திருகோணமலையைப் பிறப்பிடமாகக் கொண்ட சம்பந்தனின் தந்தை ஏ. இராஜவரோதயம் கல்லோயா திட்டத்தில் பணியாற்றியவர். சம்பந்தன் யாழ்ப்பாண
மூத்த அரசியல் தலைவரும் தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பின் தலைவருமான நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் இராஜவரோதயம் சம்பந்தன் இன்றைய தினம் ஞாயிற்றுக்கிழமை தனது 91ஆவது வயதில் காலமானார்.
கொழும்பிலுள்ள தனியார் வைத்தியசாலையில் சிகிச்சைக்காக அனுமதிக்கப்பட்டிருந்த நிலையில் சிகிச்சை பலனின்றி காலமானார்.
திருகோணமலையைப் பிறப்பிடமாகக் கொண்ட சம்பந்தனின் தந்தை ஏ. இராஜவரோதயம் கல்லோயா திட்டத்தில் பணியாற்றியவர். சம்பந்தன் யாழ்ப்பாணம் சம்பத்தரிசியார் கல்லூரி, மொரட்டுவை புனித செபஸ்தியான் கல்லூரி ஆகியவற்றில் கல்வி கற்றார். பின்னர் இலங்கை சட்டக் கல்லூரியில் சட்டம் பயின்று சட்டத்தரணி ஆனார். லீலாதேவி என்பாரைத் திருமணம் புரிந்தார். இவர்களுக்கு சஞ்சீவன், செந்தூரன், கிரிசாந்தினி என மூன்று பிள்ளைகள் உள்ளனர்.
சம்பந்தன் 1977 ஆம் ஆண்டு நாடாளுமன்றத் தேர்தலில் தமிழர் விடுதலைக் கூட்டணியின் சார்பில் திருகோணமலைத் தொகுதியில் போட்டியிட்டு வெற்றி பெற்று நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினரானார்.
1983ஆம் ஆண்டு நடுப்பகுதியில் தமிழர் விடுதலைக் கூட்டணி நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்கள் அனைவரும் நாடாளுமன்றத்தைப் புறக்கணித்தனர். இலங்கை அரசமைப்பின் ஆறாவது திருத்தச் சட்டத்தின்படி தனி நாடு கோருவதற்கு ஆதரவளிக்க முடியாது என நாடாளுமன்றத்தில் சத்தியப் பிரமாணம் எடுக்க மறுத்தமைக்காகவும், 1983 கறுப்பு ஜூலை நிகழ்வுகளில் மூவாயிரத்துக்கும் அதிகமான தமிழர்கள் சிங்களக் காடையர்களினால் படுகொலை செய்யப்பட்டமைக்கும், அவர்களது உடைமைகள் சேதமாக்கப்பட்டதற்கும் எதிர்ப்புத் தெரிவித்தும் அவர்கள் நாடாளுமன்ற அமர்வுகளைப் புறக்கணித்தனர். மூன்று மாதங்கள் தொடர்ந்து நாடாளுமன்ற அமர்வுகளில் பங்குபற்றாமல் போனதால் சம்பந்தன் தனது நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் பதவியை 1983 செப்டெம்பர் 7 இல் இழந்தார்.
1989 நாடாளுமன்றத் தேர்தலில் சம்பந்தன் ஈ.என்.டி.எல்.எப், ஈ.பி.ஆர்.எல்.எப், ரெலோ, த.வி.கூ. கூட்டமைப்பின் வேட்பாளராக திருகோணமலை மாவட்டத்தில் போட்டியிட்டார். கூட்டணியின் வேட்பாளர் எவரும் இம்மாவட்டத்தில் வெற்றி பெறவில்லை.
தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் பின்புலத்தில் 2001 ஆம் ஆண்டில் தமிழர் விடுதலைக் கூட்டணி, அகில இலங்கைத் தமிழ்க் காங்கிரஸ், ஈழ மக்கள் புரட்சிகர விடுதலை முன்னணி (ஈ.பி.ஆர்.எல்.எப்.), ரெலோ ஆகிய கட்சிகள் இணைந்து தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பு (த.தே.கூ.) என்ற புதிய கூட்டணிக் கட்சி ஒன்றை ஆரம்பித்தனர். இக்கூட்டணிக்கு சம்பந்தன் தலைமைப் பொறுப்பை ஏற்றார். அக்கட்சி தேர்தல் சட்டத்தில் அங்கீகரிக்கப்படாத படியால் கூட்டமைப்பு தமிழர் விடுதலைக் கூட்டணியின் பெயரில் 2001 ஆம் ஆண்டுத் தேர்தலில் போட்டியிட்டது. சம்பந்தன் திருகோணமலைத் தேர்தல் மாவட்டத்தில் போட்டியிட்டு வெற்றி பெற்றார். இதன் காரணமாக 18 ஆண்டுகளின் பின்னர் சம்பந்தன் நாடாளுமன்றத்துக்கு மீண்டும் தெரிவு செய்யப்பட்டார்.
தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பு அமைக்கப்பட்ட சிறிது காலத்தில் தமிழீழ விடுதலைப்புலிகளை இலங்கைத் தமிழரின் ஏக பிரதிநிதிகளாக ஏற்றுக்கொண்டு அவர்களுக்குச் சார்பாக தனது நிலைப்பாட்டை முன்னெடுத்தது. இந்நிலைப்பாட்டுக்கு தமிழர் விடுதலைக் கூட்டணியின் தலைவர் வீ.ஆனந்தசங்கரி எதிர்ப்புத் தெரிவித்து தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பில் இருந்து விலகினார். அத்துடன், 2004 ஆம் ஆண்டு தேர்தலில் தமிழர் விடுதலைக் கூட்டணியின் பெயருடன் போட்டியிடுவதற்கு ஆனந்தசங்கரி அனுமதிக்கவில்லை. இதனால் சம்பந்தன் தலைமையிலான தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பினர் இலங்கைத் தமிழரசுக் கட்சியின் சின்னத்தில் போட்டியிட்டனர். சம்பந்தன் இலங்கைத் தமிழரசுக் கட்சியின் தலைவராகத் தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்பட்டார்.
2004, 2010, 2015, 2020 நாடாளுமன்றத் தேர்தல்களில் சம்பந்தன் திருகோணமலைத் தேர்தல் மாவட்டத்தில் இருந்து மீண்டும் தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்பட்டார்.
2015 தேர்தலில் முக்கிய கட்சிகளான ஐக்கிய தேசியக் கட்சி (ஐ.தே.க.), ஐக்கிய மக்கள் சுதந்திரக் கூட்டணி (ஐ.ம.சு.கூ.) ஆகியன முறையே 106, 95 இடங்களைக் கைப்பற்றியிருந்தன. ஐ.தே.க. ஆட்சியமைப்பதற்குத் தேவையான அறுதிப் பெரும்பான்மை கிடைக்காததால், இரண்டு முக்கிய கட்சிகளும் இணைந்து தேசிய அரசு ஒன்றை அமைத்தன. இதனால் 16 இடங்களைக் கைப்பற்றி மூன்றாவது இடத்தில் இருந்த தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பின் தலைவர் இரா. சம்பந்தன் 2015 செப்டெம்பர் 3 இல் எதிர்க்கட்சித் தலைவராகத் தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்பட்டார். 2018 டிசம்பர் 18 வரை அவர் எதிர்க்கட்சித் தலைவராகப் பதவி வகித்தார்.
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சம்பந்தனின் பூதவுடலுக்கு அஞ்சலி செலுத்திய அரசியல் பிரமுகர்கள்
மறைந்த இலங்கைத் தமிழரசுக்கட்சியின் சிரேஷ்ட தலைவர் இராஜவரோதயம் சம்பந்தனின் பூதவுடல் மக்களின் அஞ்சலிக்காக இன்று (02) கொழும்பு – பொரளையிலுள்ள தனியார் மலர்ச்சாலையில் வைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.
இந்த நிலையில் அவரின் பூதவுடலுக்கு ஜனாதிபதி ரணில் விக்ரமசிங்க, அரசியல் பிரமுகர்கள், பொதுமக்கள், கட்சி உறுப்பினர்கள் என பெருந்திரளானோர் அஞ்சலி செலுத்தியுள்ளனர்.
இதேவேளை அவரின் பூதவுடல் நாளைய தினம் (03) நாடாளுமன்றத்தில் அஞ்சலிக்காக வைக்கப்படவுள்ளது.

இரா.சம்பந்தனின் பூதவுடலுக்கு இன்று பொதுமக்கள் அஞ்சலி!
மறைந்த முன்னாள் எதிர்க்கட்சித் தலைவரும் இலங்கைத் தமிழரசுக் கட்சியின் மூத்த தலைவருமான பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் இரா. சம்பந்தனின் பூதவுடல் இன்றைய தினம் (02) கொழும்பில் பொதுமக்களின் அஞ்சலிக்காக வைக்கப்படவுள்ளது.
இலங்கைத் தமிழரசுக் கட்சியின் மூத்த தலைவரான இரா.சம்பந்தன் தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பின் தலைவராக செயற்பட்டு வந்த நிலையில் அண்மைக்காலமாக உடல்நலக் குறைவினால் பாதிக்கப்பட்டிருந்தார்.

கொழும்பில் உள்ள தனியார் வைத்தியசாலையில் சிகிச்சை பெற்று வந்த நிலையில் கடந்த ஜூன் 30 ஆம் திகதி இரவு 91 ஆவது வயதில் காலமானார்.
அனைவராலும் ஆர். சம்பந்தன் என அறியப்பட்ட இராஜவரோதயம் சம்பந்தன் 1933 ஆம் ஆண்டு பெப்ரவரி மாதம் 5 ஆம் திகதி பிறந்தவர்.
யாழ்ப்பாணம் புனித பெட்ரிக் கல்லூரியில் அடிப்படைக் கல்வியைப் பயின்ற இவர், மேலும் பல பாடசாலைகளில் கல்வி கற்றுள்ளார்.
தொழில் ரீதியாக சட்டத்தரணியான இவர், தமிழர் ஐக்கிய விடுதலை முன்னணியின் சார்பில் 1977 ஆம் ஆண்டு நடைபெற்ற பொதுத் தேர்தலில் திருகோணமலை மாவட்டத்தை பிரதிநிதித்துவப்படுத்தி முதல் தடவையாக பாராளுமன்றத்திற்கு தெரிவானார்.
அதன்படி, 1977 முதல் 1983 வரையிலும், 1997 முதல் 2000 வரையிலும், 2001 முதல் இறக்கும் வரையிலும் பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினராகப் பணியாற்றினார்.
2015 இல் அமைக்கப்பட்ட ரணில் – மைத்திரி அரசாங்கத்தின் போது 3 வருட காலத்திற்கு ஆர். சம்பந்தன் பாராளுமன்றத்தின் 14 ஆவது எதிர்க்கட்சித் தலைவராக நியமிக்கப்பட்டார்.
ஆயுத மௌனிப்பின் பின்னரான காலத்தில் இரா.சம்பந்தன் அரசியல் ரீதியாக தமிழ் மக்களை தலைமைதாங்கி செயற்பட்டிருந்தார்.

இலங்கை அரசாங்கத்துடன் இணைந்து அதியுச்ச விட்டுக்கொடுப்புகளை மேற்கொண்ட போதிலும் தமிழ் மக்களின் இனப்பிரச்சினைக்கு உரிய தீர்வினை காண எவ்வித முன்னேற்றகரமான இலக்கினையும் எட்ட முடியாது போயிருந்தது.

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