----- Original Message -----

From: Gopalan Arumuga

To: thankaveu nakkeeran

Sent: Sunday, December 20, 2009 12:32 PM

Subject: RE: 99.9 percent say yes to Tamil Eelam in Canada referendum

 

 Dear Thangavelu Annaa
 HOW you can use villian word against Rudrakumaran.I cannot accept  He want to tell his comment to all of us. His comment is about VR is may be wrong. But your word is going to hurt him a lot.
Gopal
   

 

---

From: athangav@sympatico.ca
To: gunanathanr@hotmail.com; easwarysit@yahoo.ca
Subject: 99.9 percent say yes to Tamil Eelam in Canada referendum
Date: Sun, 20 Dec 2009 11:25:02 -0500

 

December 21, 2009

Jeya

What we accomplished is something only a government (federal, provincial and local) can do. We would have passed the 50,000 mark had we had one more week in hand.

The volunteers did a magnificent job as acknowledged by Adam Giambrone, the chair of the Toronto Transport Commission and Toronto City Councilor.   

The Media Committee's presence was minimal. There was no press conference, press releases. Reporters contacted me after failing to find one from the Coalition for Tamil Elections.

Unfortunately the decision making process is still autocratic and undemocratic. Nehru must be credited for organizing this referendum, but he is one who believes in shooting the goal without passing to others in the field.

The CTR did a magnificent job, but I want say the same thing about TVI.

It is only partly correct to say “But ironically, transnational government’s organizers failed to say anything in favour of Saturday’s referendum.” More than half the Canada Working Committee supported the poll. In my interviews to the mainstream press I always claimed that VR and PTGTE are inter-related. The VR is the plan and the PTGTE is the infrastructure.  We are also heading all important sub-committees.  I am the head of the Media Committee.

It will be good to do an internal review of the entire referendum process to identify find out the strength and weakness of same.

CTC cut a sorry figure and came out with a bloodied nose.  I hope you read my comment to Globe and Mail describing CTC as an "elitist" institution.

I understand in UK too the PTGTE is opposed to the VR. A few sought my advice to deal with the problem.  I think the villain in  Rudrakumran! I am sorry to state this, but it is the reality.

Rudrakumaran's contention that promoting VR will undermine LTTE's contribution to the struggle is untenable. The idea of referendum preceded May 17, as evidenced by the referendum held on May 10th in Norway.

 Nakkeeran

---

 

99.9 percent say yes to Tamil Eelam in Canada referendum

[TamilNet, Sunday, 20 December 2009, 08:49 GMT]

99.82 percent of 48,583 voters mandated independent and sovereign Tamil Eelam in the poll conducted in 31 centres across Canada, Saturday. The Canadian media and politicians showed great interest in the process of the ballot and organizers expressed satisfaction as 50, 000 was the expected turn out they quoted to media earlier. The poll was officiated by ES&S a professional company in North America that used counting machines. Unlike in Norway and France and contrary to earlier assurances, the ballot took place with complete registration of voters, which limited confidential participation, observers said. Voter turn out is assessed to be between 50 and 65 percent, but no authentic statistics is available on eligible Eezham Tamil voters.

48,481 (99.82%) voted 'yes' and 85 (0.18%) voted 'no'. 17 votes were rejected.

The enthusiastic participation of this many number of voters of all age groups in the democratic process and the committed work of nearly 2,000 volunteers impressed many Canadian observers.

Canadian media described the polls as ever independent nationwide referendum by a Canadian community across major Canadian cities.

ES&S, recognised as biggest International and North American election firm, managed and monitored the poll and the ballot choosing process.

Results were announced at a press conference held at the Delta Toronto East Hotel for 30 polling stations as results of Vancouver were awaited at 10:20 p.m. Toronto time.

Witnessing the referendum, Adam Giambrone, the chair of the Toronto Transport Commission and a Toronto City Councilor, said at the press conference that the figure speaks to an incredible democratic process and praised the voluntary efforts laid behind the success of the referendum.

"As a government official in the city of Toronto, I think that is incredibly important to recognise the importance of democratic process of the fact that close to 50 000 people from the country, many of them right here in Toronto, have got out, got informed, and stood with the elections when they went out and voted in the free and fair elections," he said. "That would give your community to stand up and speak for your issue knowing that they got the credibility of the entire community behind them."

Congratulating the 2,000 volunteers he said the thousands of voters who voted gave a credit to the community itself. It also reflected how the [Tamil] community in Toronto has been engaged in actually going out and voting as they have done earlier in Toronto provincial and federal elections.

The organizers, Coalition for Tamil Elections Canada opted for registration of voters with an idea this will be useful for future elections. Also it was a requisite for the company officiating the poll. But a leading Tamil media in Canada carried out a vicious campaign that this information could reach the Sri Lanka government and will affect any travel prospects of the voters to Sri Lanka.

The referendum is a helpful precedence to the elections for transnational government, said one of the organizers. The Canadian media too named the organizers as people who will be organizing elections for the transnational government. But ironically, transnational government’s organizers failed to say anything in favour of Saturday’s referendum.

The Canadian Tamil Congress, said to be the biggest Establishment of Eezham Tamils in Canada sounded discouragement on the referendum when it said that they “watch it with interest,”

More than 50 percent Tamil voters in Canada, participating at short notice, ignoring and defying the wishes of the Establishments in asserting to their political will has now silenced the adversaries, said one of the organizers. However, “there are lessons to learn”, commented a committee member organizing similar referendum in UK.

Meanwhile, Eezham Tamil masses re-mandating the main principle of Vaddukkoaddai Resolution in Canada Saturday was a sharp contrast to the meeting in Vienna this week, where sections of Eezham Tamil elite who have no confidence on the democratic will of their own people or have no grip on leading Tamil politics, met secretly to discuss ‘internal self-determination’ and Thimphu Principles just in order to fit into the agendas of powers, said one of the participants of the Vienna meet.

The referendum also took place at a time when Colombo plans to settle 100, 000 Sinhala soldiers in Vanni, China plans to bring in 25, 000 workers to the North, Sinhala capital will be flowing into Tamil areas, Sinhala settlers will be brought in to support the infrastructure and while India or the so-called international community has no answers to Eezham Tamils, said a Tamil official engaged in ‘development’ work in Vanni.

Calculatedly nurtured campaign that Tamils don’t want independence, orchestrated Tamil politics and media working for the above agenda and Establishments of Eezham Tamils gone obsolete by not reading the pulse of the masses could be challenged only through such referenda of people, said a Canadian university student.

Looking too close at events, some of the Canadian media miss larger issues, responded another youth. They delve into discussing insignificant issues about personalities, proscribed organizations and marginal groups, but miss the revolution that is taking place with Tamils, he said.

 

---

Vaddukoddai Resolution

The Resolution was adopted at the first National Convention of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) on 14 May 1976. TULF’s participation in the 1977 general elections was anchored in this Resolution. In this Resolution, the TULF declared its intent of forming a sovereign State of Tamil Eelam. S. J. V. Chelavanayakam presided over the Convention. The following is a translation of the Resolution, which was originally adopted in Tamil.

Whereas, throughout the centuries from the dawn of history, the Sinhalese and Tamil nations have divided between themselves the possession of Ceylon, the Sinhalese inhabiting the interior of the country in its Southern and Western parts from the river Walawe to that of Chilaw and the Tamils possessing the Northern and Eastern districts;

And,

Whereas, the Tamil kingdom was overthrown in war and conquered by the Portuguese in 1619, and from them by the Dutch and the British in turn, independent of the Sinhalese Kingdoms; And,

Whereas, the British colonists, who ruled the territories of the Sinhalese and Tamil kingdoms separately, joined under compulsion the territories of the Sinhalese and the Tamil Kingdoms for purposes of administrative convenience on the recommendation of the Colebrooke Commission in 1833; And,

Whereas, the Tamil leaders were in the forefront of the freedom movement to rid Ceylon of colonial bondage which ultimately led to the grant of independence to Ceylon in 1948; And,

Whereas, the foregoing facts of history were completely overlooked, and power over the entire country was transferred to the Sinhalese nation on the basis of a numerical majority, thereby reducing the Tamil nation to the position of subject people; And,

Whereas, successive Sinhalese governments since independence have always encouraged and fostered the aggressive nationalism of the Sinhalese people and have used their political power to the detriment of the Tamils by:

(a) Depriving one half of the Tamil people of their citizenship and franchise rights thereby reducing Tamil representation in Parliament,

(b) Making serious inroads into the territories of the former Tamil Kingdom by a system of planned and state-aided Sinhalese colonization and large scale regularization of recently encouraged Sinhalese encroachments, calculated to make the Tamils a minority in their own homeland,

(c) Making Sinhala the only official language throughout Ceylon thereby placing the stamp of inferiority on the Tamils and the Tamil language,

(d) Giving the foremost place to Buddhism under the Republican Constitution thereby reducing the Hindus, Christians, and Muslims to second class status in this country,

(e) Denying to the Tamils equality of opportunity in the spheres of employment, education, land alienation and economic life in general and starving Tamil areas of large scale industries and development schemes thereby seriously endangering their very existence in Ceylon,

(f) Systematically cutting them off from the main-stream of Tamil cultures in South India while denying them opportunities of developing their language and culture in Ceylon, thereby working inexorably towards the cultural genocide of the Tamils,

(g) Permitting and unleashing communal violence and intimidation against the Tamil speaking people as happened in Amparai and Colombo in 1956; all over the country in 1958; army reign of terror in the Northern and Eastern Provinces in 1961; police violence at the International Tamil Research Conference in 1974 resulting in the death of nine persons in Jaffna; police and communal violence against Tamil speaking Muslims at Puttalam and various other parts of Ceylon in 1976 ––all these calculated to instill terror in the minds of the Tamil speaking people, thereby breaking their spirit and the will to resist injustices heaped on them,

(h) By terrorizing, torturing, and imprisoning Tamil youths without trial for long periods on the flimsiest grounds,

                                i.           Capping it all by imposing on the Tamil nation a Constitution drafted, under conditions of emergency without opportunities for free discussion, by a Constituent Assembly elected on the basis of the Soulbury Constitution distorted by the citizenship laws resulting in weightage in representation to the Sinhalese majority, thereby depriving the Tamils of even the remnants of safeguards they had under the earlier constitution; And,

Whereas, all attempts by the various Tamil political parties to win their rights, by co-operating with the governments, by parliamentary and extra-parliamentary agitations, by entering into pacts and understandings with successive Prime Ministers, in order to achieve the bare minimum of political rights consistent with the self-respect of the Tamil people have proved to be futile; And,

Whereas, the efforts of the All Ceylon Tamil Congress to ensure non-domination of the minorities by the majority by the adoption of a scheme of balanced representation in a Unitary Constitution have failed and even the meager safeguards provided in article 29 of the Soulbury Constitution against discriminatory legislation have been removed by the Republican Constitution; And,

Whereas, the proposals submitted to the Constituent Assembly by the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi for maintaining the unity of the country while preserving the integrity of the Tamil people by the establishment of an autonomous Tamil State within the framework of a Federal Republic of Ceylon were summarily and totally rejected without even the courtesy of a consideration of its merits; And,

Whereas, the amendments to the basic resolutions, intended to ensure the minimum of safeguards to the Tamil people moved on the basis of the nine point demands formulated at the conference of all Tamil Political parties at Valvettithurai on 7th February 1971 and by individual parties and Tamil members of Parliament including those now in the government party, were rejected in toto by the government and Constituent Assembly; And,

Whereas, even amendments to the draft proposals relating to language, religion, and fundamental-rights including one calculated to ensure that at least the provisions of the Tamil Language (Special Provisions) Regulations of 1956 be included in the Constitution, were defeated, resulting in the boycott of the Constituent Assembly by a large majority of the Tamil members of Parliament; And,

Whereas, the Tamil United Liberation Front, after rejecting the Republican Constitution adopted on the 22nd of May, 1972, presented a six point demand to the Prime Minister and the Government on 25th June, 1972, and gave three months time within which the Government was called upon to take meaningful steps to amend the Constitution so as to meet the aspirations of the Tamil Nation on the basis of the six points, and informed the Government that if it failed to do so the Tamil United Liberation Front would launch a non-violent direct action against the Government in order to win the freedom and the rights of the Tamil Nation on the basis of the right of self-determination; And,

Whereas, this last attempt by the Tamil United Liberation Front to win Constitutional recognition of the rights of the Tamil Nation without jeopardizing the unity of the country was callously ignored by the Prime Minister and the Government; And,

Whereas, the opportunity provided by the Tamil United Liberation Front leader to vindicate the Government’s contention that their constitution had the backing of the Tamil people, by resigning from his membership of the National State Assembly and creating a by-election was deliberately put off for over two years in utter disregard of the democratic right of the Tamil voters of Kankesanthurai, And,

Whereas, in the by-election held on the 6^th February 1975, the voters of Kankesanthurai by a preponderant majority not only rejected the Republican Constitution imposed on them by the Sinhalese Government, but also gave a mandate to Mr. S.J.V. Chelvanayakam, Q.C. and through him to the Tamil United Liberation Front for the restoration and reconstitution of the Free Sovereign, Secular, Socialist State of Tamil Eelam.

The first National Convention of the Tamil United Liberation Front meeting at Pannakam (Vaddukoddai Constituency) on the 14th day of May, 1976, hereby declares that the Tamils of Ceylon by virtue of their great language, their religions, their separate culture and heritage, their history of independent existence as a separate state over a distinct territory for several centuries till they were conquered by the armed might of the European invaders and above all by their will to exist as a separate entity ruling themselves in their own territory, are a nation distinct and apart from Sinhalese and this Convention announces to the world that the Republican Constitution of 1972 has made the Tamils a slave nation ruled by the new colonial masters, the Sinhalese ,who are using the power they have wrongly usurped to deprive the Tamil Nation of its territory, language citizenship, economic life, opportunities of employment and education, thereby destroying all the attributes of nationhood of the Tamil people.

And, while taking note of the reservations in relation to its commitment to the setting up of a separated state of Tamil Eelam expressed by the Ceylon Workers Congress as a Trade Union of the Plantation Workers, the majority of whom live and work outside the Northern and Eastern areas,

This convention resolves that restoration and reconstitution of the Free, Sovereign, Secular, Socialist State of Tamil Eelam, based on the right of self determination inherent to every nation, has become inevitable in order to safeguard the very existence of the Tamil Nation in this Country.

This Convention further declares:

·         That the State of Tamil Eelam shall consist of the people of the Northern and Eastern provinces and shall also ensure full and equal rights of citizenship of the State of Tamil Eelam to all Tamil speaking people living in any part of Ceylon and to Tamils of Eelam origin living in any part of the world who may opt for citizenship of Tamil Eelam.

·         That the constitution of Tamil Eelam shall be based on the principle of democratic decentralization so as to ensure the non-domination of any religious or territorial community of Tamil Eelam by any other section.

·         That in the state of Tamil Eelam caste shall be abolished and the observance of the pernicious practice of untouchability or inequality of any type based on birth shall be totally eradicated and its observance in any form punished by law.

·         That Tamil Eelam shall be a secular state giving equal protection and assistance to all religions to which the people of the state may belong.

·         That Tamil shall be the language of the State, but the rights of Sinhalese speaking minorities in Tamil Eelam to education and transaction of business in their language shall be protected on a reciprocal basis with the Tamil speaking minorities in the Sinhala State.

·         That Tamil Eelam shall be a Socialist State wherein the exploitation of man by man shall be forbidden, the dignity of labor shall be recognized, the means of production and distribution shall be subject to public ownership and control while permitting private enterprise in these branches within limit prescribed by law, economic development shall be on the basis of socialist planning and there shall be a ceiling on the total wealth that any individual of family may acquire.

This Convention directs the Action Committee of the Tamil United Liberation Front to formulate a plan of action and launch without undue delay the struggle for winning the sovereignty and freedom of the Tamil Nation;

And this Convention calls upon the Tamil Nation in general and the Tamil youth in particular to come forward to throw themselves fully into the sacred fight for freedom and to flinch not till the goal of a sovereign state of Tamil Eelam is reached.

Melting pot of Eezham-Tamil democratic politics

[TamilNet, Tuesday, 29 September 2009, 21:31 GMT]
 

While the idea of transnational government (TNG) is captivating the minds of Eezham Tamils, their public opinion should be watchful for political moves not slipping in concepts and terminologies and the organisation process maintaining absolute financial independence. Democratically elected country councils widen, strengthen and secure the democratic structure of TNG and help it to evolve from bottom to top. The nation needs to explore models of structurally integrating country councils and bodies such as GTF in the apex body of TNG. Conducive atmosphere has to be created for wider participation of the society, youth and women. The trauma and depression Eezham Tamils undergo, can be conquered by them only by innovatively engaging in action – this time democratic action – and by demonstrating their spirit unconquered.
 

It is heartening to notice how the paradigm of democratic politics and transnational governance has captivated the minds of Eezham Tamils especially in the diaspora, where the much-needed space deprived in Sri Lanka is available for innovation and rejuvenation.

Quite typical of any democratic exercise, as ideas pour in, debates take place and moves originate in a short span of hard-pressed time, it is not only common folk but even keen activists are confused. The widely felt concern is that such confusion should not pave way for manipulation and hijack of the cause by motley of forces tacitly united in nullifying identity, independence, sovereignty and national liberation of Eezham Tamils.

It is of paramount importance that the various global moves originating from the Eezham Tamil diaspora in political organization, economy, society and culture need to be perceived, orientated and coordinated coherently to produce desired results.

The following are put forward to the consideration of especially the diaspora, the public opinion of which is actually the guardian in setting the course of its current global process of democratic politics.
 

1. Not slipping in terminologies outlining the cause: 

Independence, sovereignty, nation state, nation, homeland, self-determination, autonomy, federal, confederation, self-rule etc are terms of specific meaning in the international system. They cannot be replaced by one another. Mere phrases such as Tamil Eelam or government cannot be taken for their face value, unless specified with appropriate technical terms.

Examples: Government of Tamil Nadu doesn’t mean that it is independent and sovereign. The Federal Party, which stood for federalism in Ceylon, styled itself in Tamil as Thamizh Arasuk Kadchi.

Eezham Tamil public needs to carefully scrutinize the terminologies and their Tamil equivalents used by various political moves approaching them.

Even the word sovereignty used alone, as appearing in the websites of some political moves, will not cover independence. Sovereignty can be shared. This is why the importance of adopting the main principle ‘independent and sovereign Tamil Eelam’ of the Vaddukkoaddai Resolution of 1976 as the basis for any fresh democratic politics is stressed again and again.

‘Independence and sovereignty’ can be translated into Tamil either as ‘suthanthiramum I’raimaiyum’ or as ’thannaathikkamum i’raimaiyum.’

What negotiation could achieve is another matter. But the democratic freedom of a nation to tell what it deservingly aspires is of supreme importance and it is for the diaspora public opinion to take care if there is any slip.
 

Financial independence in political organization:

Political organization is absolutely a matter of concerned people. They have to conceive and do it on their own, from their own resources and through their own will power, if they want their political organization to be true to them.

‘Democratisation’ of politics of a people may be a ‘development’ agenda for others and they may treat it a matter for funding. But for a people struggling for liberation it is not so. Diaspora needs to be watchful that evolving its political organization is done by motivating the masses and never through getting outside funds.
 

2.  Widening the democratic structure:
 

In the given circumstances, when independent political organisation of Eezham Tamils is threatened by Sri Lanka and is likely to be sabotaged by forces abetting the ‘unity’ of Sri Lanka, the more the democratic structures are widened and integrated, the more the political organisation is secured. Otherwise, just by handling a few at the top, the entire politics could be crippled.

Needless to say that Eezham Tamils should have well-knitted multiplicity of grass root organisations and their politics have to be built form bottom to top and not vice versa.

The constitution announced by the move for Norwegian Council of Eelam Tamils has touched some of these aspects by proposing to conduct elections regionally and nationally in Norway; by having a second chamber and by accommodating elected representatives from institutions of Eezham Tamils in the second chamber.

More attention need to be paid in this respect in the diaspora in encouraging more elected bodies, co-operative bodies and in integrating and orientating them and other grass root organisations such as village associations, alumni associations etc towards democratic transnational polity.
 

3. GTF and other such bodies:

The impression one gets from the draft constitution of the Global Tamil Forum is that it will be functioning as a global body of professionals and something like a multinational corporation of Eezham Tamils. This is a welcome move and Eezham Tamils will need such bodies to run banks, universities etc.

Such bodies should be integrated in the second chamber of the apex transnational government. However, it is important that GTF and other such bodies have to make clear themselves in specific terms of their commitment to independence and sovereignty of Eezham Tamils.
 

4. Importance of country councils:

Elected councils of Eezham Tamils in various countries are the real roots of transnational government. They make transnational government secure, widen the democratic structure by acting as federal units, make the implementation of the mandates of transnational government in a particular country much easier and help negotiating local situations arising from differing political systems of the various countries, as these councils are ‘national councils’ of those countries.

The move in Norway is a pioneering major step and the entire diaspora watches it with much expectation.
 

5. Transnational government as apex body:

Transnational government as conceived by Eezham Tamils is a novel and hitherto unseen experiment of human civilisation. Only a nation like that of Eezham Tamils that was brutally and unjustly crushed by entire establishments of the world joining together could conceive such alternative governance for them. This is sure to serve an inspiration to future world polity and to many oppressed peoples of the world.

In the exercise of evolving a democratic transnational government, whether the Eezham Tamils are fully aware of the importance of what they are doing is a crucial matter.

While the alternative world will welcome the challenging concept, the establishments will obviously try to either blunt it or hijack it.

Therefore, the apex body has to be formed with tremendous will power of people, with a strong foundation and with structural security.

It is perhaps advisable to structure transnational government after securely forming democratically elected councils at least in countries having bulk of the diaspora.

Country councils and transnational government should be structurally integrated so that they don't operate concurrently within a country.

It is of utmost importance that the apex body operating in the diaspora should not abandon independence and sovereignty of Tamil Eelam, even though that should not preclude it from engaging in negotiations, development etc.

TNG is a body of the diaspora and it has to continue for the identity, culture and development of the diaspora, even after Tamil Eelam is achieved.
 

6. Probable models of forming transnational government:

While direct election among the diaspora held across the world is a model, probably a feasible model at this juncture is holding elections for country councils, and either electing representatives from them, or making them as electoral colleges to elect members from a global list of candidates, or a combination of both. A second chamber could be having elected representatives from defined diaspora institutions.

Models are inexhaustible and we have to be judicious in deciding what suits better under given conditions to serve the purpose.

The first elected TNG may have to function as constitutional assembly as well in bringing out a mandated constitution.
 

7. Social participation:

A TamilNet reader recently sent a lengthy note on the importance of right personalities from various walks of life coming forward to take responsibilities in the polity of Eezham Tamils, when it is needed the most perhaps in the whole history of them.

It is our earnest hope that a right atmosphere will be created through public opinion for right personalities to come to politics.

An atmosphere has also to be created for people of various political shades and affiliations to develop whole-hearted belongingness in the new process and to contribute their best to the society.

The transnational governance of our context demands not merely politicians and negotiators, but economists, educationalists, culture personalities, people of letters and so on. Again, we need the right atmosphere for such personalities to come into politics.
 

8. Participation of youth and women:

A healthy sign for the Eezham Tamil nation today is the diaspora youth coming forward to take ownership of the struggle. Young diaspora women taking part in the politics of various countries and getting elected to public bodies is another encouraging feature we see today. This generation should come forward in participating and leading the democratic process of Tamil politics too. The success of transnational governance in the long run lies in the youth participation in it.
 

9. Mindset:

All liberation begins from mindset. It is time Eezham Tamils come out of their mindset of colonial legacy to boldly look at themselves through their own eyes. It is always suffering people who come out with innovations for them as well as for humanity.

The trauma Eezham Tamils undergo is understandable only by them.
As we see from what is happening, no one else will help us to overcome it. The trauma and depression can be conquered only by innovatively engaging in action – this time democratic action – and by demonstrating our spirit unconquered.

Chronology:
 

Vaddukkoaddai and Thimphu

[TamilNet, Saturday, 19 September 2009, 13:04 GMT]
Calling for the creation of independent and sovereign Tamil Eelam, based on Vaddukkoadai Resolution (VR) was the last spontaneous and definite mandate by Eezham Tamils in a totally free and democratic atmosphere. As the need for democratic political organisation unfolds afresh, Tamils have to take up the thread directly from the VR. The Thimphu principles and all the other formulas put forward subsequently under the duress of powers, and failed as negotiation models, do not get precedence over the VR as bases for political organization. Mu’l’livaaykkaal was not the real defeat. The defeat comes only when Tamils are made to politically denounce their heart-felt aspirations. The diaspora needs to peruse and correct course of any proposal that stops just at self-determination. In UN charter and in international law it is just an empty phrase that doesn’t protect nations or ethnicities.

The Vaddukkoaddai Resolution of 1976, calling for independent, sovereign, Tamil Eelam in the North and East of the island of Sri Lanka was a proclamation of all democratic Tamil political parties, including Ceylon Workers Congress, the then united political party of the Upcountry Tamils. The Eezham Tamil voters of the North and East overwhelmingly endorsed it in the 1977 elections. Thus it was a definite democratic mandate of Tamils and so far they didn’t get another chance to democratically tell what is in their heart.

The Thimphu principles of 1985 were a diluted version of Vaddukkoaddai Resolution, after truncating independence and sovereignty and stopping just at Tamil nation, homeland and self-determination.

The Thimphu principles, diluted to facilitate negotiation with Colombo, were jointly put forward by all the Tamil militant organizations of that time and the TULF. There was no mandate of the people. The most important fact to be noted is that the Indian Establishment that was always keen in nullifying Tamil independence in the island was behind making Tamil militancy then under its influence agreeable to the principles as a minimum platform for negotiation.

The Indo-Sri Lanka agreement of 1987 imposed on Tamils touched only the point of homeland, that too temporarily, and it was recently breached by Colombo. There was no credible mandate as the LTTE boycotted and the elections took place under the coercing presence of the Indian military. However, the provincial government elected under it finally felt it necessary to declare independent and sovereign Eelam, before winding up and while the Indian military was present.

The Oslo communiqué of 2002 was a further dilution of Vaddukkoaddai in another way, by its adoption of an invented phrase ‘internal self-determination’. Norway and some other powers that later became the Co-Chairs were behind making the LTTE agreeable to experiment negotiation with this dilution. Again there was no mandate of people. LTTE's chief negotiator Anton Balasingham, writing in 2004, questioned the concept of Oslo Declaration and implied the expiry of LTTE's concession on internal self-determination.

The ISGA of 2003, which has reference to Vaddukkoaddai but not to Thimphu, was only an interim proposal during the Co-Chair sponsored peace. It was apparently a move of the LTTE to supersede Oslo Communiqué. The mandate it received from Tamils has to be considered limited as the elections took place with the 6th Amendment to the constitution in effect. Its only electoral validity today is that it binds the TNA.

Even after considerably diluting the freely mandated aspirations of Vaddukkoaddai Resolution to suit their geopolitical agenda, India and the Co-Chairs miserably failed in making the Sri Lankan state agreeable for experimenting political solutions.

Had they succeeded, there would have been a different course of events and they would have had a standing in telling the Tamil mind to consider experimenting within a united Sri Lanka. But they chose the path of brutally abetting or allowing a crushing military defeat and open as well as barbed-wire incarceration of the whole nation of Tamils in the island.

Eezham Tamils are now left with the option of politically organising themselves afresh.

In the emerging scenario of democratic organisation of Eezham Tamil politics there need to be no place for Thimphu, Oslo or any other – non mandated, experimental, and failed negotiation formulas extended by militancy under duress of powers.

If there is democracy then nothing should prevent the democratic stream to get back to what was last mandated by people and what has become the heart-felt need of Eezham Tamils more than ever now, and to begin the political process and negotiation from that point.

However, the very forces that have inflicted military defeat on Tamils are now all out to defeat them politically by capturing, hijacking or deviating the democratic politics of Tamils.

India and the West compete in subtle ways in this exercise, adopting crude as well as highly sophisticated methods. Preparations, institutional arrangements and recruitments have been done long back by them to face a 'post-defeat' scenario as it was their foregone conclusion to inflict military defeat on Tamil nationalism.

The powers have carefully studied the non nation-centred ‘virtue’ of sections of Tamil elite or rather weakness of the Eezham Tamil nationalism, cultivated since colonial times to always orientate their politics in terms of the interests of others - British colonial interests, Colombo-centric interests, Indian interests, Western interests and there was a time when some were orientating it to the interests of Russia and China.

The elite politics of Eezham Tamils - except for the rare occasion of Vaddukkoaddai Resolution, and that too is said to be a result of youth pressure - was always hiding its mind fearing for others and was thinking in terms of others.

Influenced and discouraged by calculated power machinations, campaigns and Karunanidhis, the murmur heard in some elite circles now is that if a powerful armed struggle has failed, what could be achieved through democratic politics and claiming for what the heart aspires is only bravado.

They fail to see that it is more legitimate and more workable in democratic organisation to come out boldly with what you feel righteously deserving, register the claim and then to fight for it or negotiate until acceptable results are achieved.

This is possible only when we have the guts to independently evolve our politics firmly by ourselves first and then only to relate it to others. Of course this is not possible when we start looking at ourselves through the eyes of others. This mindset is the biggest impediment to our political organisation.

Mu’l’livaaykkaal was not the real defeat. Colombo and the powers know it. Their victory comes only when Tamils are made to politically denounce their heart-felt aspirations. It is in order to achieve this victory much easier, they advice or find agents to advise Tamils to drop their national aspiration, even though democratically registering a national aspiration could in no way be considered an obstacle for negotiation.

Powers have created a desperate situation for Eezham Tamils hoping their will power would wither even politically. But one should not fail to see that if not for Tamils, for the sake of their own interests, the powers have to find out solutions very soon in the island. Tamils have to be ready with their own politics to face the situation.

In the past, the failure of democratic Tamil politicians in adhering to people’s emotional needs with firmness and their inability to resist undue power interests, paved way for the rise and acceptance of militancy.

Tamils should take care that their political organisation now needs to be truly representative of their aspirations and needs to be firm in negotiation if they want to uphold democracy and avoid another rise of militancy. No need to say the powers should respect this reality, as they too share the fear.

It is now an acid test for the emerging democratic politics of Eezham Tamil nationalism.

The move in the diaspora for transnational government of Tamil Eelam is not only for negotiating the liberation and emancipation of Tamils in the island of Sri Lanka but it is also an alternative government of the diaspora, standing for the global unity, cultural identity, development and global status of the diaspora. The move for this government needs not to bother about anyone in proclaiming the independence and sovereignty of Eezham Tamils in the island and requesting a mandate from the people in the diaspora.

Self-determination, as it is understood in contemporary times is a vague term when applied to people or ethnicities. According to UN charter 1(2), self-determination is interpreted as existing only in state-to-state relationship. Legally, it protects only states.

“Self-determination does not entail the right to be independent, or even to vote for independence” (Geoffrey Robertson, Penguin 2008, p165).

“International law provides no right of secession in the name of self-determination” (Rosalyn Higgins, Peoples and Minorities in International Law, 1995, p33).

“At best, the people’s right to self-determination connotes the right of all citizens to participate in the political process, but this gives power to majorities and not to minorities (Robertson, ibid).

The diaspora needs to seriously peruse and correct the course of any proposal that stops just at self-determination.

The Tamil National Alliance in the island, operating under constraints of Colombo and India, should not on its own, denounce the independence and sovereignty of Eezham Tamils and should not agree for experimenting anything other than a confederation with the right to secede, is an opinion strongly felt in the diaspora.

Emerging Tamil politics needs to act with far sight. The present scenario of geopolitics is not going to remain the same. The national aspiration for independence and sovereignty, which is a hard reality for Eezham Tamils today, may also get re-defined. In any future possibility of shared sovereignty, either regionally or globally, the Eezham Tamils should be able to find their niche smoothly without again facing the tragedy they have undergone for ages.

It is with sadness most of the Eezham Tamils look at a few Marxists among them, especially of the former ‘Peking Wing’, who denounce separate nationalism for Eezham Tamils. The Marxist Communist Party of India also has adopted a similar line.

It is hard to understand that if national liberation of Eezham Tamils oppressed on ethnic grounds and ‘Eezham’ as a political unit is not acceptable to them, in what way the united Sri Lankan nationalism and Sri Lanka as a political unit upheld by them is ideologically justifiable. While viewing Tamil national struggle as one such serving imperialism, they practically serve the very imperialism by weakening the struggle.

Ironically, many Sinhala Marxists see justice and recognise the Tamil national struggle in the island.

The Marxists contributed immensely to the social progress of Eezham Tamils in the past. They have a duty in structuring and strengthening the Tamil nation further, through achieving social equality. The democratisation of politics is an atmosphere conducive for them, but they should not deprive Tamils getting their contribution by keeping Tamil national liberation as an untouchable topic, by not participating in it and by not recognising that their goals can be better achieved by accepting Tamil nationalism as a unit to apply their progressive ideas and shaping it at home and in transnational governance.

Chronology:
 

Related Articles:
11.05.09   99 percent Norway Tamils aspire for Tamil Eelam
08.05.09   'Post-conflict is post-Sri Lankan'
27.03.09   'Coercion is not the beginning for a lasting solution'
22.12.06   1972 Sri Lanka Constitution illegal - Navaratnam
06.10.05   Doyen of FP, uncompromising on Tamil National question
26.10.04   Balasingham questions ‘Oslo Declaration’ in new book
01.11.03   Tigers release proposal for Interim Self Governing Authority
21.06.03   Negotiating Tamil sovereignty
05.12.02   LTTE, GOSL reach exploratory agreement
08.06.97   Thimpu Declaration
08.06.97   Vaddukkoaddai Resolution

Breaking the deadlock through transnational governance

[TamilNet, Monday, 15 June 2009, 09:52 GMT]
The need of the time now is the metamorphosis of the existing infrastructure into a democratic and inclusive transnational government of Eezham Tamils to strengthen the diaspora socially, economically and culturally; to achieve the goal of independence and sovereignty of Eezham Tamils in the home country and to meet the international challenges internationally. Many of our readers confuse between the concepts of transnational government and government in exile. While the government in exile is a conventional phenomenon that needs a host country, the transnational government is a novel experiment that has no precedence.
 

A government in exile functions outside of its territory with an aim of taking control of that territory. Such a government may have already existed in an independent and sovereign country and have lost its power or may have been formed anew to claim an independent and sovereign country. Whatever the case may be, a government in exile needs a host country.

But the transnational government we speak of is a novel experiment that has no precedence.

Whatever excuses there may be, the contemporary world system including its apex body the United Nations, have shown least regards for the life, safety, dignity and human rights of Eezham Tamils and even now continue to abet structural genocide in the island of Sri Lanka.

There is no second word that all Eezham Tamils are traumatised and grieved by the grave injustice committed on them by the entire world system. Unless the world system recognizes the self-determination of Eezham Tamils and directly intervenes in the island, no justice is going to be seen.

With the kind of blunders made by the powers involved in forfeiting leverages and with the development of new axes in the region, it is doubtful whether the world system will have any pressure to act on its own to justify the cause of Eezham Tamils other than oppressing them further to accept subjugation within the rot of the united Sri Lanka.

It is the ways of the contemporary world system that impels Eezham Tamils to respond with the unique experiment of a transnational government to safe guard their unity, identity, dignity, aspirations and well-being.

A contemporary reality that is going to be faced by Eezham Tamils in the home country is compulsion in brutal ways by Colombo, the Indian Establishment and by certain other powers to drop Tamil national aspirations and to accept an imposed Sri Lankan identity.

Colombo is already intimidating with success the subservient Tamil political entities to drop the ethnic identity. What is proposed is a ‘home grown solution’ that is none other than structural genocide.

The Indian Establishment and its agents are said to be busy in forging a ‘coalition’ of political parties, not to go beyond the 'Rajiv’s dream' of 13th Amendment. It is also said that certain sections in the West are also behind it.

A situation is going to emerge in which no Tamil in the home country could open mouth to ask for justice and to express their heart-felt aspirations.

Only the diaspora and the transnational government could uphold the freedom of aspiration and freedom of expression of Eezham Tamils.

Those who have to face the reality from the ‘conquerors’ in Colombo and New Delhi may do so for survival but the transnational government should emerge in parallel in the diaspora to uphold the unconquered spirit of Eezham Tamils, to support the political course in the homeland and to see the Eezham Tamil politics are not hijacked by others. The transnational government need not openly include the home politicians even though both should collaborate with each other.

The disastrous geopolitics played by the Beijing-New Delhi-Islamabad axis and the West at the cost of Eezham Tamils, undeservingly favouring genocidal Colombo and the continued injustice they are committing, are not ephemeral episodes to subside with patchwork solutions envisaged by the conquerors and geopolitical players.

When the volcano erupts, a genuine support the Eezham Tamils at home could fall back on is going to be nothing but a transnational government of the diaspora.

Therefore, all Tamil political players, irrespective of differences and shades of opinion, should extend support to forge such an outfit, at least symbolic in the beginning.

One of the positive achievements of the LTTE is the international infrastructure uniting and motivating the diaspora. Otherwise the diaspora would have gone astray like the 19th century migrants.

The need of the time now is the metamorphosis of the infrastructure into a democratic and inclusive transnational government of Eezham Tamils to strengthen the diaspora socially, economically and culturally; to achieve the goal of independence and sovereignty of Eezham Tamils in the home country and to meet the international challenges internationally.

It is not a must that the transnational government needs a host country to operate. What is actually needed is the will power of more than a million Eezham Tamils living across the world.

Despite a global ban, if the LTTE had successfully demonstrated a global infrastructure in raising revenue, in mobilising the masses and in running economic and cultural institutions, why a democratised and inclusive transnational government not feasible?

If multinational corporations can operate as successful power centres why can’t transnational governments?

Some of our readers have mailed meaningful feedback how such a government can viably operate for the well-being of the diaspora as well as for the liberation of the people in the home country.

If the traumatised Eezham Tamils at home are going to be kept voiceless by the conquerors and the international community, at least the traumatised diaspora should be immediately engaged with a positive and noble venture of resurrection. Otherwise the diaspora will be disillusioned.

However, the process of this noble venture is not a hasty affair. For a smooth beginning, primarily it needs consensus of the existing infrastructure, and to become inclusive it needs the consensus of the circles outside of it also. It needs a strong foundation, careful planning and step-by-step implementation. The existing infrastructure has a greater responsibility in the metamorphosis from command structure to representative structure.

Possible steps are re-affirming the political fundamentals of the Vaddukkoaddai resolution through mandate, electing representatives at national as well as at global level for an Assembly, which will also initially be a constitutional assembly, and then electing an executive.

It is also advisable to create as many as possible grass-root democratic organizations among Eezham Tamils, vested with specific tasks to face the different facets of the current misery. Such grass-root institutions are helpful in sustaining and safe guarding the democratic nature of the superstructure of transnational governance.

If successful, and if the time demands, the transnational government can also become the government in exile.

An important prerequisite with the Eezham Tamil people, who for ages have seen nothing but deception, is that those who take the proposals for implementation with people need to be above all suspicion. Sectarian initiatives will only bungle the move at the outset itself.

Obviously the move for a transnational government based on democratic mandate is going to raise eyebrows in the Establishments that have a strong reservation against Eezham Tamil nationalism and want to erase it by coercion, deception, seemingly sympathetic talk and the hoodwink of devolution and development. Any genuinely mass-oriented structure will only be viewed more dangerous than armed groups that could readily be lured to play stooges to them. But the Eezham Tamils pushed to frustration’s end can’t help looking after their own affairs at their own will power. They need not any more care for other’s national or imperial interests unless there are returns.

It is not out of context to bring in here two examples from the South Asian scenario:

Those who have travelled in the northeastern frontier states of India might have noticed that people from these states whenever travel to Kolkata (Culcutta) and beyond, use to say that they go to ‘India’. In their heart, India is a foreign country, different from theirs and perhaps a coloniser. The Indian Establishment, which attempts to impose Sri Lankan identity on Eezham Tamils, after all what had happened and while the threat of genocide persists, should realise the futility of it at least through its own experience.

Anyone who compares the Tibetan refugees and the Eezham Tamil refugees in India can see a big difference in the treatment. The Tibetans are allowed a government in exile. They are allowed to manage themselves through their own co-operative systems. They are also helped and allowed to develop into an affluent identity on par with Anglo Indians. From the status of refugees in India they now operate all over the world with dignity and self-assurance. Their nationhood is now respected and recognised everywhere in the world, even though their independence and sovereignty are not conceded by China.

In contrast, the Eezham Tamil refugees in India disintegrated in the camps. For over quarter a century they are living under suspicious eyes. Only one organization trusted by the Indian Establishment is allowed to work in these camps. And, now, there are proposals to send them back to end up in the internment camps run by Colombo.

The difference is not merely because of the bias of the Indian Establishment in treating Eezham Tamils. It is also because of deficiencies in the social and political organisation of Eezham Tamils.

That is yet another reason why we need a transnational government for the diaspora.

Chronology:
 

Vaddukoddai Resolution

The Resolution was adopted at the first National Convention of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) on 14 May 1976. TULF’s participation in the 1977 general elections was anchored in this Resolution. In this Resolution, the TULF declared its intent of forming a sovereign State of Tamil Eelam. S. J. V. Chelavanayakam presided over the Convention. The following is a translation of the Resolution, which was originally adopted in Tamil.

Whereas, throughout the centuries from the dawn of history, the Sinhalese and Tamil nations have divided between themselves the possession of Ceylon, the Sinhalese inhabiting the interior of the country in its Southern and Western parts from the river Walawe to that of Chilaw and the Tamils possessing the Northern and Eastern districts; And,

Whereas, the Tamil kingdom was overthrown in war and conquered by the Portuguese in 1619, and from them by the Dutch and the British in turn, independent of the Sinhalese Kingdoms; And,

Whereas, the British colonists, who ruled the territories of the Sinhalese and Tamil kingdoms separately, joined under compulsion the territories of the Sinhalese and the Tamil Kingdoms for purposes of administrative convenience on the recommendation of the Colebrooke Commission in 1833; And,

Whereas, the Tamil leaders were in the forefront of the freedom movement to rid Ceylon of colonial bondage which ultimately led to the grant of independence to Ceylon in 1948; And,

Whereas, the foregoing facts of history were completely overlooked, and power over the entire country was transferred to the Sinhalese nation on the basis of a numerical majority, thereby reducing the Tamil nation to the position of subject people; And,

Whereas, successive Sinhalese governments since independence have always encouraged and fostered the aggressive nationalism of the Sinhalese people and have used their political power to the detriment of the Tamils by:

(a) Depriving one half of the Tamil people of their citizenship and franchise rights thereby reducing Tamil representation in Parliament,

(b) Making serious inroads into the territories of the former Tamil Kingdom by a system of planned and state-aided Sinhalese colonization and large scale regularization of recently encouraged Sinhalese encroachments, calculated to make the Tamils a minority in their own homeland,

(c) Making Sinhala the only official language throughout Ceylon thereby placing the stamp of inferiority on the Tamils and the Tamil language,

(d) Giving the foremost place to Buddhism under the Republican Constitution thereby reducing the Hindus, Christians, and Muslims to second class status in this country,

(e) Denying to the Tamils equality of opportunity in the spheres of employment, education, land alienation and economic life in general and starving Tamil areas of large scale industries and development schemes thereby seriously endangering their very existence in Ceylon,

(f) Systematically cutting them off from the main-stream of Tamil cultures in South India while denying them opportunities of developing their language and culture in Ceylon, thereby working inexorably towards the cultural genocide of the Tamils,

(g) Permitting and unleashing communal violence and intimidation against the Tamil speaking people as happened in Amparai and Colombo in 1956; all over the country in 1958; army reign of terror in the Northern and Eastern Provinces in 1961; police violence at the International Tamil Research Conference in 1974 resulting in the death of nine persons in Jaffna; police and communal violence against Tamil speaking Muslims at Puttalam and various other parts of Ceylon in 1976 ––all these calculated to instill terror in the minds of the Tamil speaking people, thereby breaking their spirit and the will to resist injustices heaped on them,

(h) By terrorizing, torturing, and imprisoning Tamil youths without trial for long periods on the flimsiest grounds,

                                i.            Capping it all by imposing on the Tamil nation a Constitution drafted, under conditions of emergency without opportunities for free discussion, by a Constituent Assembly elected on the basis of the Soulbury Constitution distorted by the citizenship laws resulting in weightage in representation to the Sinhalese majority, thereby depriving the Tamils of even the remnants of safeguards they had under the earlier constitution; And,

Whereas, all attempts by the various Tamil political parties to win their rights, by co-operating with the governments, by parliamentary and extra-parliamentary agitations, by entering into pacts and understandings with successive Prime Ministers, in order to achieve the bare minimum of political rights consistent with the self-respect of the Tamil people have proved to be futile; And,

Whereas, the efforts of the All Ceylon Tamil Congress to ensure non-domination of the minorities by the majority by the adoption of a scheme of balanced representation in a Unitary Constitution have failed and even the meager safeguards provided in article 29 of the Soulbury Constitution against discriminatory legislation have been removed by the Republican Constitution; And,

Whereas, the proposals submitted to the Constituent Assembly by the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi for maintaining the unity of the country while preserving the integrity of the Tamil people by the establishment of an autonomous Tamil State within the framework of a Federal Republic of Ceylon were summarily and totally rejected without even the courtesy of a consideration of its merits; And,

Whereas, the amendments to the basic resolutions, intended to ensure the minimum of safeguards to the Tamil people moved on the basis of the nine point demands formulated at the conference of all Tamil Political parties at Valvettithurai on 7th February 1971 and by individual parties and Tamil members of Parliament including those now in the government party, were rejected in toto by the government and Constituent Assembly; And,

Whereas, even amendments to the draft proposals relating to language, religion, and fundamental-rights including one calculated to ensure that at least the provisions of the Tamil Language (Special Provisions) Regulations of 1956 be included in the Constitution, were defeated, resulting in the boycott of the Constituent Assembly by a large majority of the Tamil members of Parliament; And,

Whereas, the Tamil United Liberation Front, after rejecting the Republican Constitution adopted on the 22nd of May, 1972, presented a six point demand to the Prime Minister and the Government on 25th June, 1972, and gave three months time within which the Government was called upon to take meaningful steps to amend the Constitution so as to meet the aspirations of the Tamil Nation on the basis of the six points, and informed the Government that if it failed to do so the Tamil United Liberation Front would launch a non-violent direct action against the Government in order to win the freedom and the rights of the Tamil Nation on the basis of the right of self-determination; And,

Whereas, this last attempt by the Tamil United Liberation Front to win Constitutional recognition of the rights of the Tamil Nation without jeopardizing the unity of the country was callously ignored by the Prime Minister and the Government; And,

Whereas, the opportunity provided by the Tamil United Liberation Front leader to vindicate the Government’s contention that their constitution had the backing of the Tamil people, by resigning from his membership of the National State Assembly and creating a by-election was deliberately put off for over two years in utter disregard of the democratic right of the Tamil voters of Kankesanthurai, And,

Whereas, in the by-election held on the 6^th February 1975, the voters of Kankesanthurai by a preponderant majority not only rejected the Republican Constitution imposed on them by the Sinhalese Government, but also gave a mandate to Mr. S.J.V. Chelvanayakam, Q.C. and through him to the Tamil United Liberation Front for the restoration and reconstitution of the Free Sovereign, Secular, Socialist State of Tamil Eelam.

The first National Convention of the Tamil United Liberation Front meeting at Pannakam (Vaddukoddai Constituency) on the 14th day of May, 1976, hereby declares that the Tamils of Ceylon by virtue of their great language, their religions, their separate culture and heritage, their history of independent existence as a separate state over a distinct territory for several centuries till they were conquered by the armed might of the European invaders and above all by their will to exist as a separate entity ruling themselves in their own territory, are a nation distinct and apart from Sinhalese and this Convention announces to the world that the Republican Constitution of 1972 has made the Tamils a slave nation ruled by the new colonial masters, the Sinhalese ,who are using the power they have wrongly usurped to deprive the Tamil Nation of its territory, language citizenship, economic life, opportunities of employment and education, thereby destroying all the attributes of nationhood of the Tamil people.

And, while taking note of the reservations in relation to its commitment to the setting up of a separated state of Tamil Eelam expressed by the Ceylon Workers Congress as a Trade Union of the Plantation Workers, the majority of whom live and work outside the Northern and Eastern areas,

This convention resolves that restoration and reconstitution of the Free, Sovereign, Secular, Socialist State of Tamil Eelam, based on the right of self determination inherent to every nation, has become inevitable in order to safeguard the very existence of the Tamil Nation in this Country.

This Convention further declares:

·         That the State of Tamil Eelam shall consist of the people of the Northern and Eastern provinces and shall also ensure full and equal rights of citizenship of the State of Tamil Eelam to all Tamil speaking people living in any part of Ceylon and to Tamils of Eelam origin living in any part of the world who may opt for citizenship of Tamil Eelam.

·         That the constitution of Tamil Eelam shall be based on the principle of democratic decentralization so as to ensure the non-domination of any religious or territorial community of Tamil Eelam by any other section.

·         That in the state of Tamil Eelam caste shall be abolished and the observance of the pernicious practice of untouchability or inequality of any type based on birth shall be totally eradicated and its observance in any form punished by law.

·         That Tamil Eelam shall be a secular state giving equal protection and assistance to all religions to which the people of the state may belong.

·         That Tamil shall be the language of the State, but the rights of Sinhalese speaking minorities in Tamil Eelam to education and transaction of business in their language shall be protected on a reciprocal basis with the Tamil speaking minorities in the Sinhala State.

·         That Tamil Eelam shall be a Socialist State wherein the exploitation of man by man shall be forbidden, the dignity of labor shall be recognized, the means of production and distribution shall be subject to public ownership and control while permitting private enterprise in these branches within limit prescribed by law, economic development shall be on the basis of socialist planning and there shall be a ceiling on the total wealth that any individual of family may acquire.

This Convention directs the Action Committee of the Tamil United Liberation Front to formulate a plan of action and launch without undue delay the struggle for winning the sovereignty and freedom of the Tamil Nation;

And this Convention calls upon the Tamil Nation in general and the Tamil youth in particular to come forward to throw themselves fully into the sacred fight for freedom and to flinch not till the goal of a sovereign state of Tamil Eelam is reached.

Tamil national aspirations, TNA and transnational governance

[TamilNet, Wednesday, 16 September 2009, 23:36 GMT]
The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) or any other political party claiming that they represent Tamils have no right to proclaim that they have moved away from the 1977 mandate for independence and sovereignty of the Eezham Tamil nation, to satisfy India, Mahinda Rajapaksa or any other power. They may negotiate but without dropping the fundamentals, until any acceptable formula is freshly mandated by all Tamils including those who are now in the diaspora. Meanwhile, the emerging novel concept of transnational governance will be misled if it is orientated merely with an idea of negotiation. It is not just a negotiation platform. There is no need to show Tamils have ‘democratically’ dropped their aspiration just because some powers want it as a pre-requisite for negotiation.

TamilNet Editorial Board

Brutal military victory and inhuman incarceration will make Eezham Tamils to forget their national aspiration is the belief of Colombo and the powers that abetted it in the course of war.

Not that they don’t know that the war and the attitude behind the war have made Eezham Tamils to feel the necessity of their national liberation more than ever now.

But arrogance and greed never see reason.

Some of the powers are very honest in the show. They openly sit on all international intervention. Never hide their greed in grabbing land or resources of Tamils while they are incarcerated and one of them is said to be overtly intimidating Tamil political leaders not to voice political aspirations of their people but to accept formulas dictated by it as solutions.

Then there is another set of powers, which now shed tears for the incarcerated, advice reconciliation for the sake of the unity of the island, urge the diaspora to engage with Colombo government and show semblances of diplomatic and economic pressure just for getting official entry into the scenario.

While the former are not at all recognising their responsibility to the current plight of Tamils, the latter are at least indirectly recognising it, and are demanding for certain immediate humanitarian measures.

However, none of them were so far able to make even little impact in altering the genocidal attitude of Colombo. On the contrary, Colombo is fast institutionalising ethnic totalitarianism in all its forms in the island.

Sense and sensibility would tell anyone that realities in the island demand partition for lasting peace, democratisation, eventual reconciliation and for regional /global cooperation.

But Tamils have to carefully note that none of the powers want to recognise the inevitability and righteousness in the development and demands of Tamil nationalism in the island. Rather they want us to believe that national liberation was only a demand of ‘terrorism’, what exists is only an ordinary ‘minority issue’ and this could be sorted out by reconciliation, development and little international pressure on Colombo to observe human rights.

Everyone knows what is behind this attitude is no sane political ideology but sheer power opportunism.

The powers are fully aware that what they are doing is not going to resolve the conflict in the island. If they are confident in the righteousness of their outlook there is no need for them to worry about an armed struggle erupting in the island again. Their anxiety only reveals that they are wrong in their moves. India’s fear, stemming from its guilt, is very explicit as could be seen from the observations of M K Narayanan recently about the possibilities of Tamil diaspora supporting another armed struggle.

They all come out with a sane advise to Tamils to struggle politically. But what is unholy behind this advice is dictating and coercing Tamils to drop their liberation aspiration even in democratically organised political movements. In short, ‘defeated Tamils’ have no political rights either, even to democratically tell what they want.

This is where Tamils in the island of Sri Lanka and in the diaspora need to take a firm stand and voice it boldly.

When Tamils had the last chance of democratically voicing themselves in 1977, they have given a clear and overwhelming mandate, based on their self-determination, for the creation of an independent and sovereign Tamil Eelam in their homeland, i.e., North and East of the island.

The Tamil National Alliance or any other political party claiming that they represent Tamils have no right to proclaim that they have moved away from this mandate to satisfy India, Mahinda Rajapaksa or any other power. They may negotiate but without dropping the fundamentals, until any acceptable formula is freshly mandated by all Tamils including those who are now in the diaspora. This is a new reality.

The Eezham Tamil diaspora living as free citizens in liberal democratic countries, outside of the dictates of Colombo and New Delhi, has a bigger responsibility in evolving a political formation to represent the hearts of Tamils.

TamilNet has long been writing on democratically formed transnational governance of Eezham Tamils and as prerequisites re-mandating the Vaddukkoaddai Resolution and forming grass root democratic bodies.

It is with sadness we note that according to BBC report Wednesday, the proposal to form a transnational government by V. Rudrakumaran talks only of homeland and self-determination – a truncation of the vital parts of the Vaddukkoaddai Resolution.

Some supporting circles of this move said that the phrase ‘transnational government of Tamil Eelam’ covers the rest of Tamil aspirations. They should realise that the phrase ‘Tamil Nadu’ doesn’t mean anything in India.

Why the hesitation in telling what the Tamils have mandated democratically? Who is blocking?

Transnational government is primarily a symbolic as well as a functioning body that should be formed by the free will of the diaspora Tamils upholding the independence and sovereignty of Eezham Tamils in the island. It is an alternative government to be formed democratically when all governments disregarded them.

The whole concept of transnational governance will be misled if it is orientated merely with an idea of negotiation. It is not just a negotiation platform. There is no need to show Tamils have ‘democratically’ dropped their aspiration just because some powers want it as a pre-requisite for negotiation.

Another unsafe move in the announcement for transnational government, in the given hostility of Colombo and some powers, is the call for voter register. All know how totalitarian powers in the past made use of voter register to hunt people. Voter register will make only a faction of core supporters to register and the transnational government will not be truly representative. Attention has to be drawn here how a successful poll was conducted in May this year, among the Tamil diaspora in Norway, without any voter register.

The BBC reporter Wednesday was unkind even to the ‘homeland’ of the proposed transnational government. “The group is clearly still wedded to the idea of a separate homeland, which many observers consider to be defunct after their military defeat,” he said.

This is not a conducive image for the effort when such a government has to be formed with a new and inclusive paradigm. The move for the transnational government has to go beyond the already created image that it is a LTTE project.

According to BBC, the Colombo government has made it clear that it is now hunting for Mr. Rudrakumaran, even though it has no business to interfere into the democratic activities of the free citizens in the diaspora in the liberal democracies.

The best option for a successful transnational government is not making it from the above but evolving it from the grass root. Such a government cannot be intimidated or hijacked by anyone, as it will be prevalent everywhere in the diaspora.

Eezham Tamils in Norway are already discussing the formation of a democratically elected country council, adopting the goal for independent and sovereign Tamil Eelam, which has been mandated by 99 percent of the Norwegian Tamil voters (the voter turn out was 80 percent). If such elected councils in every country could device ways of forming a transnational government, that will be more representative, democratic, secure and forceful.

Re-mandating the main principle of the Vaddukkoaddai Resolution, preceding the formation of the transnational government, is vital for setting the goals of the government democratically and in no uncertain terms, convincing everyone of their validity without doubt or refutation.

Committee for the formation of a Provisional

Transnational Government of  Tamil Eelam

ehL fle;j jkpoPo muR mikg;gjw;fhd nraw;FO

Clfq;fSf;fhd mwpf;if:

ehL fle;j jkpoPo murhq;fk; njhlHghd tpsf;ff;Nfhit

ehL fle;j jkpoPo murhq;fk; njhlHghd tpsf;ff;Nfhit xd;wpid Xf];l; khjk; ,Wjpf;Fs; ntspapLtjhf ehk; Vw;fdNt mwptpj;jpUe;Njhk;. ,jw;fika ,j; jpl;lk; njhlHghf kf;fs; kj;jpapy; vof;$ba gy;NtW Nfs;tpfSf;Fupa vkJ fUj;Jf;fis tpdh – tpil tbtpyhd tpsf;ff;Fwpg;Gf;fshfj; jw;NghJ ntspapLfpNwhk;.. ,t; tpsf;ff; Nfhit jw;NghJ ,yj;jpudpay; gpujpahfNt ntspaplg;gLfpwJ. 

ehL fle;j jkpoPo murhq;fk; jpl;lk; mwptpf;fg;gll gpd;dH gy;NtW kl;lq;fspYk; ,j; jpl;lk; njhlHghd fUj;Jg; gupkhw;wq;fs;> tpthjq;fs; eilngw;W tUtjid mtjhdpf;f KbfpwJ. ,J ey;y xU mwpFwp. ekJ mLj;j fhybf;F mj;jpahtrpakhdJk; $l. MNuhf;fpakhd tpthjq;fs; Fog;gj;ij Vw;gLj;Jtjpy;iy. khwhfj; njsptpidNa vw;gLj;Jk;.

jw;NghJ ntspaplg;gl;Ls;s ,t; tpsf;ff;Nfhit ehL fle;j jkpoPo murhq;fk; njhlHghd Kjw;fl;l tpsf;ff;NfhitNa. jpl;lk; njhlHghd Nkyjpfj; jfty;fs;> tpsf;fq;fis ehk; njhlHe;Jk; ntspg;gLj;JNthk;. ,t; tpsf;ff;Nfhit ehL fle;j jkpoPo murhq;fk; njhlHghd fUj;Jg;gupkhw;wj;ij NkYk; tYg;gLj;j JizGupAk; vd ek;GfpNwhk;.

,t; tpsf;ff;Nfhitapy; Fwpg;gplg;gl;Ls;sit jw;NghJ rpe;jidapy; cs;s tplaq;fNs. ,tw;wpy; cs;s eilKiwr; rpf;fy;fisAk; ehk; Gupe;J nfhs;fpNwhk;. ,jdhy;> njhlHr;rpahf kf;fs; mikg;Gf;fsJk; kf;fsJk; fUj;Jf;fis cs;thq;fp; mjw;Nfw;g  Njitahd khw;wq;fisr; nra;;J jpl;lj;ij eilKiwg; gLj;JtjidAk; ehk; ftdj;jpw; nfhz;Ls;Nshk;. ,j; jpl;lk; njhlHghd jq;fs; fUj;Jf;fisAk; eilKiwg;gLj;Jtjw;F Njitahd ey;y gy MNyhridfis njhlHe;Jk; vjpHghHf;fpNwhk;.

,t;tpsf;ff; Nfhitapisg; ngw;Wf; nfhs;s tpUk;GtHfis vk;Kld; njhlHG nfhs;SkhWk; Ntz;bf; nfhs;fpNwhk;.   

vk;Kldhd njhlHGfSf;fhd kpd;dQ;ry; Kftup: info@govtamileelam.org 

jpU tpRtehjd; Uj;uFkhud;

,izg;ghsH

31.08.2009

Committee for the formation of a

Provisional Transnational Government of  Tamil Eelam

ehL fle;j jkpoPo muR mikg;gjw;fhd nraw;FO

Media Release

A Booklet  on   Transnational Government of Thamil Eelam

We announced earlier that we will issue a Booklet on the formation of a Transnational Government of Thamil Eelam (TGTE)   before the end of August, 2009.

We now publish answers to many questions that may be of concern to our people in a Question and Answer format. For the time being, the Booklet is published electronically only. 

It is observed that after the announcement regarding the formation of  TGTE there is exchange of views and debates taking place at various levels.  This is a good sign.  It will help us in taking the next step. Healthy debates do not cause confusion. On the contrary  they will help to throw more light.   

The Booklet  now released is only the first stage about  TGTE.  We will continue to publish additional information and explanation.  We believe this Booklet  will help to generate  further exchange of views on  TGTE.  

Matters dealt in this booklet  are those that are current at present.  We understand the practical difficulties present therein.  Therefore, before implementation we will make necessary changes taking into consideration all feedback from people’s  organizations and individuals. We expect to receive further in put and suggestions for practical implementation in future as well. 

Those who wish to have a copy of the Booklet,  please contact us by email - info@govtamileelam,org 

Visvanathan Rudrakumaran

Coordinator

August 31, 2009

www.govtamileelam.org info@govtamileelam.org

Tamil Eelam (TGTE).

It is observed that, after the announcement regarding the formation of the TGTE, there is an exchange

For further information info@govtamileelam.org

1. What is meant by a Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam?

 The Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE) is a political formation to win the freedom of

the Tamil people on the basis of their fundamental political principles of Nationhood, Homeland and

Right of self-determination. The TGTE is a novel concept both for the Tamil people and the rest of the world.

At present the Tamil people have absolutely no prospect of articulating their political aspirations or of exercising their fundamental rights in their homeland itself. The Sri Lankan government, through legal impediments, military occupation and murder is strangling the Tamil people's aspirations and their political rights. 

In this context, the Tamil Diaspora, an integral part of the nation of Tamil Eelam, utilizing democratic means in their respective countries, will establish the TGTE as the highest political entity to campaign for the realization of the Tamils’ right to self-determination.

Since it is impractical for political leaders and people in Tamil Eelam to participate in

the TGTE, only those Tamils in the Diaspora will be elected to the TGTE through democratic elections.

The TGTE will work hand-in-hand with anyone working for the well-being of the Tamil people in the island of Sri Lanka, including the political and social leaders of the people in Eelam. 

2. Why a Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam? What is the necessity for such a government? 

The social existence of the Tamil people depends on the preservation of their distinct political,economic and cultural way of life. The Tamils must have the ability to coexist and be co-partners with other communities around the world. To achieve these goals and to control factors that pose threats to their existence, there is a need for a strong and self-governing political entity. These aims were given shape in 1976 through the Vaddukkoddai Resolution and reinforced by the mandate given by the people in the 1977 general elections. The 1985 Thimpu Principles and the 2003 Interim Self-Governing Authority (ISGA) proposals gave added weight to these aims. 

In the island of Sri Lanka, the political structure has been militarized for more than 60 years. The constitution enacted by Sinhala-Buddhist hegemony and the laws enacted there under have denied the fundamental rights and well-being of other peoples on the island. The constitution and the current political structure have become stumbling blocks to the political identity, social existence and cultural advancement of the Tamil people, as well as other non- Sinhalese-Buddhist nations. 

Furthermore, internal conditions in island of Sri Lanka have become oppressive and grave threats to the Tamil people prevent them from freely expressing their aspirations and engaging in political discourse and activism to protect their rights or advance the interests of their separate identity. 

Tamils have been compelled to live in open prisons leading lives of slavery. At the same time, Sinhala government leaders, policy formulators, diplomats and army commanders are indulging at the national and international levels in false propaganda claiming there are no problems for the Tamils and that there is no need for any political solution. 

The responsibility has now fallen into the hands of the Tamils living in the Diaspora to confront these problems and adopt different approaches to realize the Tamil people’s political right to selfdetermination.

It has now become necessary to constitute a coordinated and democratic polity to advance these objectives. This polity is the proposed Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE). 

3. Are there differences between a Transnational Government and a Government in Exile? Or are they the same? 

Though there are common features, the two governments are different in theory.

A government in exile is a temporary government shifted to or formed in a foreign country by exiles who hope to return to their home country when it is liberated. For this, at least the approval and acceptance by one host country is required. A government in exile needs no Diaspora.

The concept of a Transnational Government has received the attention of social scientists for more than two decades. It is associated with the transnational life of people and their involvement with transnational politics. 

People in Diaspora maintain relationships among themselves, as well as with people in their homeland and with their Diaspora in other countries. Their lifestyle is not confined to the borders of their host country. They have established themselves as a transnational society. While complying with the laws of the host country, the transnational social space is the factor that largely decides their political, social and economic interests. This is the life style of Eelam Tamil expatriates as well. Their family units are split and members live in different states of the world, yet, they interact among themselves through a variety of means. Outside the family unit, in cultural and social life also, these interactions transcend the boundaries of states. One purpose of the Transnational Government is to promote these interactions.

The TGTE will have the additional purpose of creating a mechanism for the political unity and the pursuit of the political desires of this transnational community, while respecting the laws of the states which this transnational community inhabits. It is in the distinct transnational space within which these cross-border relationships take place that the Transnational Government seeks to operate by facilitating the promotion of interactions and forging a common political program. 

The Tamil Diaspora, along with those in our homeland, seek to preserve this transnational relationship.

Thus the people of Tamil Eelam, too, are part of the transnational social space. Their politics is not confined to the Northeast region, but extends to transnational politics as well. Tamil nationalism is one that is diversified, socially beneficial and based on democratic principles. 

The TGTE proposed to be established in the transnational space by Tamils is meant to realize the political aspirations of Tamils in our Homeland. It will also engage in promoting the social, economic and cultural development of Tamils in the Diaspora.

 Since the TGTE is formed and sustained by the people, the consent of the states in which the transnational community exists is not a pre-requisite, as all these states are democratic states which promote and protect the right to association provided the associations pursue democratic purposes.

Community-based organizations among the Tamil people should serve as the pillars of the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam (TGTE). The Transnational Government (TGTE) will lobby for the support of the international community and its people to find a political solution to the Tamil national question on the basis of Nationhood, Homeland and the Right to Self-determination. It will campaign through political and diplomatic channels. 

4. Has the Transnational Government been constituted? If not, how will the Transnational Government be constituted? 

The TGTE has not been established yet. For the purpose of establishing the TGTE an Executive Committee is in the process of being formed. For the present, only the name of Visvanathan Rudrakumaran has been announced. He will function as the Coordinator.

 Activities in regard to the establishment of Working Groups on a country-wise basis are now in progress. We are incorporating individuals who are willing to join and work in these Groups. Soon details of the Working Groups of each country will be published. The Advisory Committee previously announced will provide advice to the Executive Committees.

 The Working Groups formed globally will engage in policy discussions with Tamil organizations and

Tamil people to garner support for the TGTE. The country-wise Working Groups not only will seek support among Tamils, but also will canvass support from the Civil Society in their respective states for the formation of the TGTE. The Groups will also engage in soliciting support of political leaders and governments. The Advisory Committee will be expanded by incorporating Muslims and Indian intellectuals.

Steps will be taken to prepare electoral registers with the help of people’s organizations with the assistance of an accredited firm. On the basis of such electoral registers, an independent Election Commission conforming to international standards will hold elections to elect representatives to the TGTE. Those representatives will constitute themselves as a Constituent Assembly and draft the constitution for the TGTE with the help of legal experts and suggestions from people’s organizations.

 5. Why should the Tamil Diaspora promote efforts to form the Transnational Government? What is their contribution towards the political liberation of the Tamil People? 

In today’s context, only the Tamil Diaspora is in a position to advance the political aspirations of our people. Approximately one third of the Eelam Tamil population lives in the Diaspora, so they are not an inconsequential part of the community. Since the political space to pursue Tamil rights has been totally suppressed in Sri Lanka, the struggle to establish these rights has to be moved out of the island into the international space that the Tamil people of Eelam occupy. This is a factor that adds strength to Eelam Tamils. The 21st century political reality is increasingly getting evolved as Transnational Governance.

Irish people who emigrated to America and Canada gave staunch and open support to the Northern Ireland struggle. Likewise, the Jewish Diaspora until today supports the state of Israel politically and financially. On another plane, the Diaspora of countries like Italy, El Salvador, Eritrea, Croatia and Moldova have become an integral part of the politics of their respective countries. Four representatives are elected from the Italian Diaspora to the Italian parliament. In Haiti, a separate electoral riding has been allocated for Haitians living in Diaspora. Further, more than half the countries in the world have recognized dual citizenship. All this evidence points to the importance given to transnational politics in the 21st century. The efforts by the Tamil Diaspora to form a TGTE should be viewed in this perspective. 

Because of the continued state terrorism unleashed against the Tamil people, a million have been compelled to migrate to foreign countries as refugees, where they have grown and flourished. Another set of people have become internally displaced permanently outside the Northeast of the island. The remainder, ravaged by war, has become economic orphans, political slaves and prisoners.

 It is the right and the duty of the Tamil Diaspora to actively campaign to realize the right of self-determination of Eelam Tamils. 

6. Where will the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam be based? What is the nature of such a government? What are its priorities? 

The TGTE will not have a territorial base like traditional governments. Enforcement of sovereignty by enacting laws, defense of territory and taxation like traditional governments is not applicable to the TGTE. 

The primary goals of the TGTE will be the security of the people in our Homeland, full and early realization of their right to self-determination and their social, economic and cultural well-being and development. Further, the Tamil Diaspora, conforming to the laws of their respective countries, will build a strong base and utilize the resulting social, economic and political advancement as a propellant to win the liberation of our homeland. 

Although the TGTE has no defined territory, it will create active, enthusiastic members’ groups and executive offices worldwide to achieve its objectives. 

7. Will the international community recognize the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam?

Is it possible to carry forward TGTE’s plans without such recognition? 

As stated above, the concept of a TGTE is an innovative exercise. There is no precedence for such an exercise. The nationalities that fought for their political independence from outside in previous years created Governments in Exile (GE) that functioned outside their countries. 

For a GE to function it is not necessary to have a strong Diaspora community. However, the proposed TGTE has a strong Diaspora community as along with well-defined political goals. Further, the continued insistence by the international community and friendly forces for the necessity of the Eelam Tamils to abhor armed struggle and carry forward the struggle politically are factors favorable to us. 

8. The concept of the formation of a Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam was first proposed by Mr. Selvarasa Pathmanathan, head of the LTTE International Relations Department. If this is so, could the TGTE be considered as a plan of the LTTE? 

The mode of struggle for the right of self-determination of Eelam Tamils has spanned many decades taking different profiles at different stages. During this period, the profile of political demands has been moved forward with clarity and certainty. Likewise, the method of struggle and the leadership also underwent changes. The Eelam people’s struggle is a dynamic one that changes based on changed opportunities. The present situation has to be viewed as the continuation of that same dynamism. 

In the latter part of 2000s the liberation struggle spearheaded by the unified command of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was weakened by Sri Lanka and its allies through the military domination and sophistication of the army. What was weakened was a particular form of the struggle, but not the liberation struggle itself. After the 9/11 tragedy, Sri Lanka cynically exploited the concept of America’s “War on Terror” to describe its murderous war against Eelam Tamils and their homeland, in total contravention of all humanitarian laws governing the conduct of war. This way Sri Lanka’s rulers successfully executed the worst genocide of the 21st century. 

In these circumstances, the historical task of taking forward the next stage of the war of liberation of Eelam Tamils has been entrusted by the LTTE to the Tamil people. This important task was proposed by Selvarasa Pathmanathan at the appropriate stage. It has already been announced that the military phase of this struggle is over and that the struggle will move forward through non-violent means.

In today’s context, taking cognizance of the new world order - a geo-political web of the international community - it has become necessary to adopt apposite and innovative methods to take the struggle forward. Eelam Tamils liberation of their Homeland and the realization of their right to self-determination will be achieved through peaceful means by the Transnational Government. 

By proposing the concept of the TGTE and entrusting the same to the Tamil Diaspora, the LTTE has done their historical duty. Once the TGTE is formed through the exercise of the political will of the people of Tamil Eelam in the Diaspora, it will act in accordance with the standards of democratic governance. The TGTE will act as the unifying force of all Eelam Tamils. This will not be a polity imposed from above. It will be completely a democratic polity built bottom upwards. 

The TGTE will be designed with an emphasis on transparency and accountability. Transparency will encourage accountability and information about Government activities will be provided to citizens openly. The TGTE will be administered by representatives duly elected by the Tamil Diaspora.  We will provide further details about the TGTE system very soon.

 9. How will the Sri Lankan government and Sinhala � Buddhist chauvinists view the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam? 

Both the Sri Lankan government and its racist rulers view the proposed Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam with a sense of apprehension and danger. The reason for such fear is that the hegemony imposed on Eelam Tamils and the Tamil Homeland at present is not a real victory. Neither is it permanent. What they have achieved is military supremacy in the balance of power. This is beneficial only within the island of Sri Lanka. Further, this military supremacy is useful only to counter armed struggles and cannot counter the diplomatic approach. In this context, the Tamil people’s struggle for the realization of their right to self-determination by unarmed methods carried out in the international arena is viewed with alarm by Sri Lanka/s rulers as one they cannot confront.

Sri Lanka’s rulers, therefore, consider that the proposed TGTE project by Eelam Tamils will become a formidable battlefront which they cannot defeat. Sri Lanka and its allied forces have today reached the peak of their power. They are left with no options other than to apply the same old military approaches.

Sri Lanka is trying to restrict the mode of struggle of Eelam Tamils to a battlefront that it can win. It is also trying to keep to itself control over setting the rules of the battles to come. 

The proposed TGTE is a new playing field opened by Eelam Tamils. Sri Lanka cannot decide the rules here. Its military domination and territorial control are of no use in this field of play.

 10. Is the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam similar to the various organizations of Diaspora Eelam Tamils that are functioning at present? Or is it unique? If unique, how will it coordinate with the existing organizations and structures?

Various social and voluntary organizations have been formed by the Eelam Tamil Diaspora and are functioning at present. There are similarities and differences among these organizations based on their activities and membership. The importance of the activities they perform and their efficiency is praiseworthy. Yet, the need for a higher organization has been felt to encounter the challenges currently confronting the Tamil community both nationally and internationally. 

Since the membership of the TGTE will be chosen through direct election, democratic credentials will endow the TGTE with legitimacy to be that body articulating the political aspirations of the Tamil people. It will function in coordination with the people’s organizations among the Tamil Diaspora. We are now engaged in holding discussions regarding the nature of this coordination. 

11.What impact will the activities of the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam have on people living in the island of Sri Lanka on matters relating to their political, social, economic, security, rehabilitation, reconstruction and resettlement affairs?

The primary objective of the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam is to realize the right to self-determination of the Eelam Tamils. 

Simultaneously, the TGTE will take action on two other fronts. They are:

(1) To take necessary diplomatic steps at international level to end the injustices, discrimination and acts of revenge perpetrated on the Tamils by the Sri Lankan government.

 (2) To garner the expertise and resources of Tamil Diaspora to halt the plundering and exploitation of the resources of our Homeland by the Sinhala - Buddhist genocidal forces. 

The TGTE will explore suitable alternative structures and create and manage sub-organizations in order to successfully fulfill the above stated objectives and to guarantee the security of the Tamils living in the island of Sri Lanka while protecting their rights to local resources. Alternatively, it will appropriately utilize the resources of already existing organizations.

When necessary the TGTE will establish cordial rapport and secure the assistance of international donor organizations, aid agencies, and bilateral or multilateral development organizations and work for the resettlement, development and investment, human resources development and environmental health. It will also provide appropriate inputs to the organizations within the island of Sri Lanka that have politically identified with the objectives of Tamil nationals. 

12. What kind of leadership would the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam offer to the Tamil Diaspora? Do they need the leadership of the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam? Is their current social and economic achievement inadequate?

 Compared to the various other Diaspora communities in Western Europe, North America and Australia, the Eelam Tamil Diaspora is considered one of the most successful Diaspora communities.

Their hard work, education, enterprise, dedication, obedience, austerity, ownership of property, extended family system and the love and devotion to their brethren are traits that are praiseworthy.

But, for a community that has been devastated and displaced by war and racial violence and above all one that is fighting for its freedom, these traits alone are not sufficient. 

The Tamil community which has been continuously felled due to racial violence and economic discrimination for over half a century was able sprout over and over again due to its inherent perseverance. Yet, it is observed that this community has restricted its growth within narrow limits. The community which has comparatively achieved high scores in the field of education has lagged far behind in its share of positions at higher level decision-making bodies. Similarly, the Eelam Tamil community which is highly thrifty has lagged behind in creating capital for industrial investment. Even with its extraordinary industrial skills, the community has been indifferent in industrial entrepreneurship and job creation. 

The Eelam Tamils who have courageously faced and survived the threat to life and dangers due to racial violence are averse in coming forward to confront the open market economy. Further, instead of taking their own initiative to rapidly rebuild lost opportunities due to the war, such as banking, human resource development institutions, technical training institutes and service centers, they are seen as a community dependent on the existing structures. This state of affairs has to be changed.

The entrepreneurship of the Eelam Tamils should extend internationally to all spheres of activity. The share of involvement of the Eelam Tamils in the creation of investment capital and industrial power should escalate to the extent of wielding influence in the economy of their host countries.

The knowledge and technical know-how of Eelam Tamils should be broadened to become indispensable in the highest decision-making centers of each organization in which they work. It is through these means that the march for the liberation of the Eelam Tamils will be expanded and expedited. The TGTE will attempt to provide the necessary ideological and strategic leadership for this process of success. 

13. What is the progress made with respect to the formation of the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam? Is final consensus reached on the form and other related matters of the government? Are not the intended time frames too long considering the humanitarian crisis in our homeland? 

The “Transnational Tamil Eelam Government” project is a pioneering effort. Hence, adequate consultations and debate among the public and professionals on the subject is very essential. While recognizing the need for expeditious action due to the prevailing humanitarian disaster in our homeland, the need to devote adequate time to the formation of the supreme body of the Diaspora for the national liberation of Eelam Tamils also has to be recognized.

The efforts taken so far have been discussions regarding the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam. These discussions have resulted in some valuable proposals. The committee for the formation of the TGTE and the committee of experts will take into consideration these proposals in formulating the project details and place them before the public. 

The activities of the proposed TGTE are expected to be implemented in several phases. These phases are given below: 

Phase 1: Concept formulation

Phase 2: Formation of Advisory Committee of Experts

Phase 3: Organizing broadly based country-wise discussions, and selection of country-wise committees for the formation of the TGTE.

Phase 4: Defining the basic structure of the proposed TGTE, drafting the election procedure for electing the representatives and conducting the elections. Phase 5: Convening the Constituent Assembly with the elected representatives as members, drafting and approving a Constitution and inaugurating the political structure for its implementation.

Phase 6: The TGTE becomes functional.

At present we are working on Phase 3.

14. When will the elections for the Transnational Government be held?

It has been planned to hold the elections in every country where Tamil Diaspora live before April 2010.

We will soon provide further information on this subject.

15. What are the qualifications required to join and serve in the committee formed for the establishment of the Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam? How does one join the committee?

Those desirous to join the committee should be over 18 years of age. They should have subscribed to the political commitment that a solution to the national question of the Eelam Tamil people in the Island of Sri Lanka shall be based on the principles of Tamil Nationhood, Tamil Homeland and their Right to Self-Determination.

We will soon provide the details of the names and the contact details of the persons who will head the group for each country. You could contact these persons and join the group. You also can join the group by contacting us by email. 

Our email: info@govtamileelam.org

1.      ehL fle;j jkpoPo muR vd;why; vd;d?

ehL fle;j jkpoPo muR (Transnational Government of Tamil Eelam) jkpo; kf;fsJ murpay; Ntl;ifia capHg;NghL Ngzpj; jkpoH Njrpak;> jhafk;> jd;dhl;rp vDk; mbg;gil cupikf; Nfhl;ghLfspd; topahf jkpoPo kf;fspd; tpLjiyapid ntd;nwLg;gjw;fhd XH murpay; mikg;ghFk;. ,J xU GJikahd vz;zf; fUthFk;. 

jkJ jhafj;jpy; jkpo; kf;fs; jkJ murpay; Ntl;iffisAk; cupikffisAk;  ntspg;gLj;Jtjw;Fk; mjw;fhfr; nraw;gLtjw;Fk; ,g;nghOJ vt;tpj tha;g;GfSk; ,y;iy.  =yq;fh muR rl;l mbg;gilahd jilfs;>  ,uhZt Mf;fpukpg;G> gLnfhiy Mfptw;wpd; Clhfj; jkpo; kf;fsJ tpLjiy Ntl;ifiaAk; cupikfisAk; xLf;fp tUfpd;wJ.  

,e;epiyapy; jkpoPo ehl;bd; cWg;ghfpa Gyk; ngaHe;J thOk; kf;fSf;F cs;s kf;fshl;rp tha;g;Gf;fisg; gad;gLj;jp jkpo; kf;fspd; Raepu;za cupikf;F nraYUtk; nfhLg;gjw;fhf ghLgLk; mjpAaH murpay; eLtkhf ,e;j ehLfle;j muR mikf;fg;gLfpwJ. jhafj;jpy; thOk; murpay; jiytHfSk; kf;fSk; ,e;j murpw;  gq;F ngWtJ eilKiwr;  rhj;jpakw;wJ.  vdNt ,e;j murpy; cWg;Gupik tfpf;Fk; rhHghsHfs; Gyk; ngaHe;J thOk; jkpoPo kf;fspilNa ,Ue;J kf;fshl;rp  Kiwapy; thf;nfLg;G %yk; NjHe;njLf;fg;gLtH. ,e;j muR ,yq;ifj; jPtpy; ,Uf;Fk; el;G rf;jpfSld; ifNfhHj;Jg; gazpf;Fk;.

2.      ehL fle;j jkpoPo muR Vd;? mjw;fhd Njit vd;d?

<oj; jkpou;fspd; r%f ,Ug;G vd;gJ mtu;fspd; murpay;> gz;ghL;> nghUshjhuk;> tho;tpay; Mfpatw;wpd; jdpj;Jtj;ijj; jf;fitg;gjpYk; cyfpd; Vida r%fq;fSld; ,ize;Jk; mtw;wpw;F <lhfTk; nraw;gLtjpYNk jq;fpAs;sJ. ,jid epiyehl;Ltjw;Fk; mr;RWj;jy;fis Vw;gLj;jf;$ba fhuzpfisf; fl;Lg;gLj;jp ntw;wp nfhs;tjw;Fk; VJthf XH cWjpahdJk; jd;dhl;rp cupikapidf; nfhz;lJkhd murpay; fl;likg;G NjitahFk;.  ,j;Njit 1976 ,y; tl;Lf;Nfhl;ilj;  jPu;khdkhf tbtk; ngw;W 1977 Mk; Mz;by; kf;fs; Mizahf cWjpg; gLj;jg;gl;lJ. 1985 jpk;G Nfhl;ghLfs;> 2003 ,ilf;fhy jd;dhl;rp mjpfhurig tiuG ,jw;F NkYk; tYr; Nru;j;jd.  

fle;j 60 Mz;Lfshf =yq;fhtpd; murpay; fl;likg;G njhlu;r;rpahf ,uhZt kag;gLj;jg;gl;L ,g;nghOJ NkYk; $Hikg; gLj;jg;gl;Ls;sJ.  rpq;fs - ngsj;j ty;yhz;ik FKfj;jpdhy; ,aw;wg;gl;l murpayikg;Gk; rl;lq;fSk; Vida Njrpa ,dq;fspd;; mbg;gil cupikfis kWj;Js;sd. ,it jkpo; kf;fsJk; ngsj;j rpq;fstH my;yhj Vida FKfq;fsJk;; murpay; jdpj;Jtj;jpw;Fk; FKf ,Ug;Gf;Fk; kw;Wk; Rje;jpukhd gz;ghl;L tsu;r;rpf;Fk; kpfg;ngUk; jilf;fw;fshf ,Uf;fpd;wd.

mj;Jld; jkpo;kf;fs; jq;fs; murpay; Ntl;ifiar; Rje;jpukhfj; njuptpg;gjw;Fk; mjw;fhff; FunyOg;gpg; NghuhLtjw;Fk; ,yq;ifj; jPtpd; cs;sf epiyikfs; kpfg;ngUk; jilahfTk; Ngur;RWj;jyhfTk; cs;sd.

jPtpy; thOk; xl;Lnkhj;j jkpoUk; mbikfshfTk; jpwe;jntspr; rpiwr;rhiyfspw; ifjpfshfTk; tho fl;lhag;gLj;jg;gl;L cs;sdu;. mNjNtis rpq;fs muRj; jiytu;fSk; nfhs;if tFg;ghsu;fSk; murje;jpupfSk; gilj; jsgjpfSk; ,yq;ifj;jPtpy; jkpo;kf;fSf;F vJtpj rpf;fYk; ,y;iy vd;Wk; murpay; jPu;T  Njitaw;wJ vdTk; cs;ehl;bYk; midj;Jyf ehLfs; kl;lj;jpYk;  ngha;g; gug;Giu nra;J tUfpd;wdu;.  

,tw;iw vy;yhk; vjpu;nfhz;L jkpo;kf;fsJ murpay; jd;dhl;rp cupikia ntd;nwLg;gjw;F Ntz;ba eltbf;iffis gy;NtWgl;l mZFKiwfisf; ifahz;L Kd;ndLf;f Ntz;ba ghupa nghWg;G Gyk;ngau; jkpo;kf;fsJ iffspy; tPo;e;Js;sJ. mjid Kd;ndLg;gjw;fhd xUq;fpizf;fg;gl;lJk; kf;fspd; Miziag; ngw;wJkhd xU kf;fshl;rpf; fl;likg;gpd; Njit ,d;W czug;gl;Ls;sJ. mJNt ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR vdj; ,g;nghOJ Kd;nkhopag;gl;Ls;sJ.

3.      ehL fle;j muRf;Fk; Gfypl muRf;Fkpilapy; NtWghLfs; cz;lh? my;yJ ,uz;Lk; xd;Nwjhdh?

,t;tpuz;L muRfSf;Fk; ,ilNa gy nghJg; gz;Gfs; ,Ue;jhYk; Nfhl;ghl;L mbg;gilapy; mit Ntwhdit.

Gfypl muR vd;gJ ntspehLfSf;F jg;gpNahLk; murpay; jiytHfs; jkf;F MjuT mspf;ff;$ba ehL xd;wpy; jQ;rk; GFe;J mq;F mikf;Fk; XH murhFk;. nrhe;j ehL tpLjiy ngWk; nghOJ mtHfs; ehL jpUk;GtH. Gfypl muir mikf;f Fiwe;jsT  xU ehl;bd; xg;GjYk; Vw;GjYk; Njit. Gfypl muR nraw;gLtjw;Fg;  Gyk; ngaHe;J thOk; kf;fs; ,Uf;f Ntz;ba Njitapy;iy.

ehL fle;j muR gw;wpa Nfhl;ghL fle;j ,U gj;jhz;Lfshf FKf mwpQHfsJ ftdj;ij <Hj;J tUfpwJ. mJ Gyk; ngaHe;J thOk; kf;fsJ ehL fle;j tho;f;if KiwNahLk; (Transnational life) ehL fle;j murpaNyhLk; (Transnational Politics) njhlHGs;sJ.   

Gyk; ngaH kf;fs; jhk; thOk; ehLfspy; kl;Lk; my;yhJ jkJ jhafj;NjhLk; NtW ehLfspy; Gyk; ngaHe;J thOk; jk; kf;fNshLk; cwitg; Ngzp tUfpd;wdH. ,tHfsJ tho;f;ifKiw jhk; thOk; ehLfspd; vy;iyfSf;Fs; RUq;fp tpLtjpy;iy. ehLfs; fle;j xU FKfkhf ,tHfs; jkJ tho;f;ifia mikj;Js;sdH. jhk; thOk; ehLfspd; rl;lq;fSf;F cl;gl;l Kiwapy; jkJ tho;it ,tHfs; mikj;Jf; nfhz;lnghOJk; ,tHfsJ murpay; FKf nghUshjhu kw;Wk; gz;ghl;L gz;Gfisj; KbTnra;tjpy; ehL fle;j FKf ntsp (Transnational Social Space) Kjd;ikahd gq;fpid tfpf;fpwJ. <oj; jkpouJ Gyk; ngaH tho;f;ifAk; ,t;thNw cs;sJ.

Gyk; ngaH jkpo; kf;fs; kl;Lky;yhJ jhafj;jpy; thOk; jkpo; kf;fSk; ehLfle;j jkJ njhlHGfisg; Ngzpa tz;zk; cs;sdH. vdNt mk;kf;fSk; <oj;jkpouJ ehL fle;j FKf ntspapd; cWg;ghfNt  cs;sdH. <oj; jkpouJ murpay; ,yq;ifj; jPtpd; tlf;Ff; fpof;Fg; gFjpfSf;Fs; RUq;fp tpltpy;iy. mtHfsJ murpay; ,g;nghOJ ehL fle;j murpayhfTk;  khw;wk; fz;Ls;sJ. gd;Kfg;gl;lJk; FKfeyd;kpf;fJk; kf;fshl;rp mbg;gilapy; fl;b vOg;gg;gl;lJkhd NjrpaNk jkpo;j;  Njrpak;; MFk;. 

mikf;fg;gl ,Uf;Fk; ehL fle;j jkpoPo muR ehL fle;j FKf ntspapy; tho;e;J tUk; jkpoPo kf;fshy; jkpoPo kf;fsJ murpay; Ntl;iffis ntd;nwLg;gjw;fhf mikf;fg;gLfpwJ. NkYk; jhafj;jpYk; Gyj;jpYk; thOk; jkpoPo kf;fsJ  FKf> nghUshjhu> gz;ghl;L Nkk;ghl;ilAk; ,e;ehL fle;j muR mjd; MSiff;Fs; nfhs;Sk;.

kf;fshy; kf;fspy; jq;fp epw;ff;$ba Kiwapy; ,t;tuR mikf;fg;gLtjhy; ,jw;F ehLfspd; xg;Gjy; vd;gJ xU Kd; Njitahf ,Uf;fhJ. jkpo; kf;fspilNa cs;s nghJ mikg;Gfs; ,t;turpidj; jhq;fp epw;Fk; Jhz;fshf ,Uf;f Ntz;Lk;. kf;fspy; jq;fpepd;wthNw midj;Jyf muq;fpy; jkpoH Njrpak;>  jhafk;>  jd;dhl;rp vd;w Nfhl;ghLfspd; mbg;gilapy; ,yq;ifj; jPtpy; <oj; jkpo; kf;fspd; Njrpar; rpf;fYf;F murpay; jPHTfhz;gjw;F midj;Jyf ehLfspdJk; kf;fspdJk; Mjuit ,t;tuR jpul;Lk;. NkYk; ,t; muR jkpoPo ehl;bd;  tpLjiyf;fhf murpay; kw;Wk; murje;jpu topKiwfs; Clhfg; NghuhLk;.  

4.      ehLfle;j muR cUthfptpl;ljh? ,y;iynadpy; mJ vt;thW cUthf;fg;gLk;?  ehL fle;j muir  cUthf;Fk; gzp vt;thW eilngWk;?

ehL fle;j muR ,d;Dk; cUthftpy;iy. mjid cUthf;Ftjw;fhd epiwNtw;Wr; nraw;FO mikf;fg;gl;L tUfpd;wJ. . ,e;j epiwNtw;Wr; nraw;FOtpd; cWg;gpdHfspy; ,jd; ,izg;ghsuhd jpU Uj;uFkhudpd; ngaH kl;LNk jw;NghJ mwptpf;fg;gl;Ls;sJ.  

ehL fle;j muir cUthf;Ftjw;fhd nraw;ghl;Lf; FOtpid ehLfs; NjhWk;  cUthf;Fk; gzpfs; ,g;nghOJ eilngw;W tUfpd;wd. ,r;nraw;ghl;Lf; FOtpy; ,ize;J gzpahw;w MHtKs;Nshiu ,g;nghOJ ,izj;J tUfpNwhk;.  tpiutpy; xt;nthU ehl;Lf;Fk; cupa nraw;FO gw;wpa tpsf;fq;fis mwptpg;Nghk;.  ,g;nghOJ mwptpf;fg;gl;Ls;s kjpTiuf; FO cUthf;fw; nraw;FOTf;F kjpTiu  toq;Ftjw;fhfNt mikf;fg;gl;Ls;sJ.

,e;ehLfs; jOtpa nraw;ghl;Lf; FOf;fs; jj;jkJ ehLfspy; jkpo; mikg;Gf;fNshLk; jkpo; kf;fNshLk; fye;Jiuahly;fis Nkw;nfhz;L ,e;jj; jpl;lj;jpw;F MjuT jpul;Lk;. jkpoupilNa kl;Lkd;wp jkJ ehLfspy; cs;s nghJr; FKfj;jpd; (Civil Society) MjuitAk; ,t;tuir mikf;Fk; jpl;lj;jpw;Fj; jpul;Lk;. NkYk; jj;jkJ ehLfspd; murpay; jiytHfsJk; muRfsJk; Mjuit ,e;ehLfle;j muR mikf;Fk; Kaw;rpf;Fj; jpul;Lk; nraw;ghLfspYk; ,r;nraw;FO <LgLk;. KRypq;fs;;> ,e;jpa mwpthspfs; MfpNahiu cs;thq;fp kjpAiuf; FO tpupTgLj;jg;gLk;. 

jkpoupilNa ,aq;Fk; kf;fs; mikg;Gf;fsJ JizNahLk; ed;kjpg;Gg; ngw;w xU epWtdj;NjhL ,ize;Jk; Xt;nthU ehl;bYk; thOk; <oj;jopo; kf;fsJ thf;fhsH gl;bay; Mf;Ftjw;fhd Kaw;rpfs; Nkw;nfhs;sg;gLk;. ,t;thW cUthf;fg;ngw;w thf;fhsH gl;baypd; mbg;gilapy; midj;Jyf newpKiwfSf;F mika Rje;jpukhd NjHjy; FO mikf;fg;gl;Lj;  NjHjy;fs; elj;jg;gl;L ehL fle;j muRf;fhd kf;fs; NguhsHfs; njupT nra;ag;gLtH. njupT nra;ag;gLk; NguhsHfs; jk;ik murpayikg;G mitahf khw;wpr; rl;lr; rpwg;Gf; FOtpd; cjtpNahL kf;fs; mikg;Gfspd; gupe;Jiufis cs;thq;fp ehL fle;j muR njhlu;ghd ahg;ig vOJtH.

5.      ehL fle;j muR mikf;Fk; Kaw;rpiag; Gyk;ngau;e;J thOk; <oj; jkpou; Vd; Kd;ndLf;f Ntz;Lk;? mtHfSf;Fj; jkpoPo murpay; tpLjiyapy; cs;s gq;F ahJ?.

,d;iwa #oypy; Gyk;ngaH jkpoH kl;LNk jkpoPoj; jkpouJ murpay; Ntl;iffis Kd;ndLj;Jr; nry;Yk; epiyapy;  ,Uf;fpd;wdu;. ,J <oj; jkpoUf;F tYr;Nru;f;fpd;w fhuzpafNt cs;sJ. 21 Mk; E}w;whz;bd; murpay; cz;ikepiy ehLfle;j murpayhfNt cUkyHr;rp ngw;W tUfpd;wJ.

Gyk;ngau;e;J mnkupf;fhtpYk; fdlhtpYk; tho;e;J tUfpd;w mau;yhe;J kf;fs; tlmau;yhe;J kf;fs; Nghuhl;lj;jpw;F cWjpahdJk; ntspg;gilahdJkhd Mjuit toq;fpdu;. Gyk;ngau;e;J tho;fpd;w A+jkf;fs; ,e;ehs; tiu ,RNuy; ehl;il murpay; kl;lj;jpYk; nghUspay; mbg;gilapYk; tYg;gLj;jp tUfpd;wdu;. ,d;DnkhU jsj;jpy; ,j;jhyp> vy; ry;tNlhu;> vupj;jpupah> FNuhrpah> Nkhy;Nlhth Kjypa ehLfs; Gyk;ngau;e;J thOk; kf;fisj; jkJ nrhe;j ehl;L murpaypd; jtpu;f;fKbahf cWg;ghf Vw;Ws;sd. ,j;jhypa ehlhSkd;wj;jpw;F Gyk;ngau;e;j ,j;jhypa kf;fs; ehd;F cWg;gpdiuj; njupT nra;fpd;wdu;. Gyk;ngau;e;J thOk; nfapl;b kf;fSf;fhf nfapl;bapy; xU jdpj; Nju;jy; njhFjp xJf;fg;gl;Ls;sJ. cyf ehLfspy; ghjpf;F Nkyhdit ,ul;ilf; FbAupikia Vw;Wf; nfhz;Ls;sd. ,it midj;Jk; Gjpa E}w;whz;by; ehLfle;j murpaYf;Ff; fpilj;Js;s Kjd;ikf;Fr; rhd;WgfUfpd;wd. ,g;gpd;dzpapy;jhd; <oj;jkpou;fspd; ehLfle;j muRf;fhd Kaw;rpiaAk; Nehf;f Ntz;Lk;.

njhlu;r;rpahfj; jkpo;kf;fs; kPJ Nkw;nfhs;sg;gl;l mur gaq;futhjk; fhuzkhf  gy;yhapuf; fzf;fhNdhH ntspehLfSf;F Vjpypfshfg;   Gyk; ngau;e;J FbNawpdH. ,d;ndhU gFjp kf;fs; tlfpof;Ff;F ntspNa ,lk; ngauf; fl;lhag;gLj;jg; gl;ldu;. vQ;rpNahH Nghupdhy; rpijf;fg;gl;L cs;Supy; nghUspaypy; jpf;fw;wtHfshfTk; murpay; mbikfshfTk; rpiwf; ifjpfshfTk; khw;wg;gl;ldH.  

vdNt jhafj;jpy; <oj; jkpou; jkJ jd;dhl;rp cupikia ntd;nwLg;gjw;fhd Nguhl;lq;fis Kd;ndLg;gJ Gyk;ngau; jkpouJ cupikAk; flikAkhFk;.

6.      ehL fle;j jkpoPo muR vq;Nf mikAk;? mjd; jd;ik vt;thW ,Uf;Fk;? mjd; Kjd;ikahd gzpfs; ahit?  

mikf;fg;gltpUf;Fk; jkpoPo muRf;F Vida Kiwrhu;muRfs; Nghy; xU ehl;bd;  epyg;gug;gpidj;  jskhff; nfhz;ljhfNth my;yJ rl;lk; ,aw;Wjy;> ghJfhg;G> tup mwtply; Nghd;w Kiwikahd muRr; nraw;ghLfs; %yk; jdJ ,iwahz;ikia epiyehl;lNth Njit Vw;glhJ.

jhafj;jpy; thOk; kf;fsJ ghJfhg;G> tpupTgLj;jg;gl;lJk; tpiuTgLj;jg;gl;lJkhd KOikahd jd;dhl;rp cupikf;fhd Nghuhl;lk;> FKf nghUz;kpa> gz;ghl;Lr; nrOik Mfpatw;iwj; jdJ Kjd;ikf; Fwpf;Nfhs;fshff; nfhz;L ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR nraw;gLk;. NkYk;> Gyk;ngau; <oj; jkpoH jhq;fs; thOk; ehLfspd;  rl;lq;fSf;F ,irthfg; jk;ikg; tYTs;s xU FKfkhff; fl;bnaOg;Gtjw;Fk; mjD}lhf mtHfshy; milaf;$ba FKf> nghUz;kpa> murpay; Nky; epiyapidj; jhaf tpLjiyf;fhd ce;J rf;jpahf khw;Wk; caupa nraw;ghl;bidAk; ,t;tuR Kd;ndLf;Fk;.

ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR xU Fwpg;gpl;l epyg;gFjpapidj; jdJ Ms;Gykhf nfhz;bUf;fhtpbDk; jdJ Fwpf;Nfhs;fis mila nrayzpfisAk; mjw;fhd nraw;ghl;L mYtyfq;fisAk; cyfshtpa kl;lj;jpy; gy;NtW ehLfspy; mtw;wpd; rl;ltuk;GfSf;F mika cUthf;fpr; nraw;gLj;Jk;.

7.      ehLfle;j jkpoPo muRf;F midj;Jyf ehLfs; xg;Gjy; mspf;Fkh? mtw;wpd;  xg;Gjypd;wp mjd; jpl;lq;fisr; rpwg;ghf Kd;ndLf;f KbAkh?

Kd;dNu Fwpg;gpl;lJ Nghy; ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR vd;gJ xU Gjpa Kaw;rpahFk;. ,j;jifa Kaw;rpf;fhd khjpupfs; ,Jtiu cUthf;fg;gltpy;iy. fle;j fhyj;jpy; murpay; tpLjiyf;fhf Nghuhba gy FKfq;fs; jq;fsJ ehl;Lf;F ntspNa Gfypl muRfis cUthf;fpr; nraw;gl;ld.

Gfypl muRfs; ,aq;Ftjw;Fg; tYthd Gyk;ngau; FKfk; Njitahf ,Uf;fhJ. Mdhy; ehLfle;j jkpoPo muirg; nghWj;jtiu mjw;F kpfTk; tYthd Gyk;ngau; FkfKk; njspthd murpay; ,yf;FfSk; cz;L. mNjNtis MAjg;Nghuhl;lj;ijf; iftpl;L <oj;jkpouJ murpay; Nghuhl;lk; Kd;ndLf;fg;gLtjw;fhd Njitia typAWj;Jk; midj;Jyf ehLfspdJk; Njhoikr; rf;jpfspdJk; njhlu;r;rpahd tw;GWj;jy; vkf;F kpfr; rhjfkhd fhuzpfshf cs;sd.

8. ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR gw;wpa vz;zf;fUit jkpoPo tpLjiyg;GypfsJ mijj;Jyf cwTfSf;fhd nghWg;ghsu; jpU. nry;tuhrh gj;kehjd; mtu;fNs Kjypy; Kd;itj;jhu;. mg;gbahapd; ,jidj; jkpoPo tpLjiyg;Gypfs; mikg;gpd; jpl;lkhff;  nfhs;s KbAkh?

<oj;jkpou; jd;dhl;rp cupikf;fhd Nghuhl;lk; fle;j gy gj;jhz;Lfshfg; gy;NtW fl;lq;fisAk; mZFKiw khw;wq;fisAk; jhz;b te;Js;sJ. ,f; fhyfl;lj;jpy; murpay; Nfhupf;iffspd; tbtq;fs; NkYk; Jy;ypakhdJk; jPu;f;fkhdJkhd epiyf;F Kd;Ndhf;fp efu;j;jg;gl;Ls;sd. mNjNghd;W Nghuhl;l KiwfSk; mjw;fhd jiyikfSk; khw;wk; ngw;wd. tuyhw;wpd; ,aq;fpay; jd;ikahdJ <oj; jkpoH Nghuhl;lj;jpd; xt;nthU fl;lj;jpYk; fhzg;gl;ljidNa ,J ntspg;gLj;Jfpd;wJ. mjd; njhlu;r;rpahfNt ,d;iwa epiyikiaAk; Nehf;fNtz;bAs;sJ.

2000 Mz;Lfspd; gpw; gFjpapy; jkpoPo tpLjiyg; Gypfspd; xUikg;gLj;jg;gl;l jiyikapd; fPo; Kd;ndLf;fg;gl;l tpLjiyg;Nghuhl;lk; =yq;fhtpdJk; mjd; el;G ehLfspdJk; $u;ikg;gLj;jg;gl;l ,uhZt Nkyhz;ikahy; tYtpof;fr; nra;ag;gl;lJ.  ,q;F tYtpof;fr; nra;ag;gl;lJ xU Fwpg;gpl;l Nghuhl;l tbtNk jtpu tpLjiyg; Nghuhl;lky;y. ‘nrg;uk;gu; 11’ vdf; Fwpg;gplg;gLk; Jd;gpay; epfo;r;rpf;Fg; gpd;dH mnkupf;fh Kd;ndLj;j ‘gaq;futhjj;jpw;F vjpuhd Nghu;’ vd;w fUj;jpaiy =yq;fhtpd; Ml;rpahsu; Nghupd; nghOJ filg;gpbf;f Ntz;ba kdpjhgpdkhd rl;lq;fSf;Fk; kdpj ehfuPfq;fSf;Fk; Kw;wpYk; Gwk;ghf xU Nghiuj; <oj; jkpou; kPJk; mtu;fs; jhafj;jpd; kPJk; jpzpj;J 21 Mk; E}w;whz;bd; ngUq;Nflhd ,dg;gLnfhiyia elj;jp Kbj;Js;sdu;.

,r;#o;epiyapy; <oj;jkpouJ jhaftpLjiyf;fhd Nghuhl;lj;ij mLj;j fl;lj;jpw;F efu;j;Jtjw;fhd tuyhw;Wf; flik jkpo;kf;fsplk; jkpoPo tpLjiyg;Gypfshy; ifaspf;fg;gl;Ls;sJ. ,k;Kjd;ikahd gq;fspg;ig cupa fhyfl;lj;jpy; cupaKiwapy; nry;tuhrh gj;kehjd; mtu;fs; Kd;nkhope;jhu;.

,d;iwa #oypy;  Gjpa cyf murpay; xOq;iff; ftdj;jpy; vLj;J  midj;Jyf ehLfspd; Gtprhu; murpay; tiyg;gpd;dy;fSf;F Clhf nghUj;jkhd Gjpa mZFKiwfisg; gad;gLj;jp <oj;jkpouJ jhaf  tpLjiyf;Fk; jd;dhl;rp cupikf;Fkhd Nghuhl;lj;ij Kd;ndLf;f Ntz;bAs;sJ.

ehLfle;j jkpoPo muRf;fhd fUj;jpid jkpoPo tpLjiyg;Gypfs; Kd;nkhope;J mjidg; Gyk;ngaH jkpoHfsplk; ifaspj;jjd; %yk; jkJ tuyhw;Wf; flikiar; nra;Js;sdu;. mjidg; Gupe;Jnfhz;L <oj; jkpou; midtiuAk; xd;wpizf;Fk; mikg;ghf ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR nraw;gLk;. ,J NkypUe;J jpzpf;fg;gLk; murhf ,Uf;fhJ. Kw;whff; fPopUe;J Nky;Nehf;fp fl;bnaOg;gg;gLfpd;w xU kf;fshl;rp murhf ,Uf;Fk;.

ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR ntspg;gilj;jd;ikAk; nghWg;Gj;jd;ikAk;   nfhz;ljhf tbtikf;fg;gLk;. ntspg;gilj;jd;ik kw;Wk; nghWg;Gj;jd;ikia Cf;Ftpj;J kf;fSf;F murpd; nray;ghLfs; gw;wpa jfty;fis xspTkiwtpd;wp toq;Fk;. kf;fshl;rpr; nrad;KiwA+lhfg; Gyk;ngau; jkpouhy; njupTnra;ag;gLk; NguhsHfshy; ,J Msg;gLk;. ,t;tuR nraw;glTs;s Kiwik njhlHghd $Ljy; tpsf;fq;fis ehk; tpiutpy; mwpaj; jUNthk;.

9.      rpwPyq;fh muRk; rp;q;fs - ngsj;j NjrpathjpfSk; ,e;j muir vt;thW Nehf;Ftu;?

,g;nghOJ Kd;ndLf;fg;gLfpd;w ‘ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR’ Ntiyj;jpl;lj;ij rpwPyq;fh muRk; mjd; ,dntwp Ml;rpahsUk; kpfTk; mr;r czu;NthL njhy;iy kpFe;jjhfg; ghu;f;fpd;wdu;;. Vnddpy; rpwPyq;fh muR <oj; jkpou; NkYk; jhafj;jpd; kPJk; ,g;nghOJ nfhz;Ls;s Nkyhz;ik cz;ikahd xU ntw;wp my;y. NkYk; mJ epue;jukhdJk; my;y.  ,e;j ,uhZt eltbf;if %yk; mtu;fs; ngw;Wf; nfhz;lJ ,uhZt tYr;rkdpiy Nkyhz;ik kl;LNk. ,JTk; ,yq;ifj;jPtpDs; kl;Lk;jhd; nry;YgbahFk;. mj;NjhL mtu;fsJ ,e;j ,uhZt Nkyhz;ik MAjg;N;ghuhl;l mZFKiwf;F kl;LNk <L nfhLf;f ty;yJ.  murrje;jpu mZFKiwf;F ,jdhy; <L nfhLf;f KbahJ. ,j;jifa epiyikapy; jkpo;kf;fsJ jd;dhl;rp cupikf;fhd; Nghuhl;lk; MAjg; NghHKiwf;Fg; Gwk;ghf gd;dhl;Lj;  jsj;jpy; fl;bnaOg;gg;gLtij rpwPyq;fh Ml;rpahsu; jq;fshy; vjpu;nfhs;s Kbahj xd;whfNt mr;rj;NjhL ghu;f;fpd;wdu;;.  

vdNt ,g;nghOJ Kd;nkhopag;gl;Ls;s ehLfle;j jkpoPo muRf;fhd Ntiyj;jpl;lkhdJ jq;fshy; vd;WNk ntw;wp nfhs;sKbahj <oj;jkpouJ gyq;nfhz;l tYf;nfhz;l tbtkhf khwptpLk; vd;W fUJfpd;wdu;. ,d;W rpwPyq;fhTk; mjd; Jizr; rf;jpfSk; jkJ tsu;r;rpapd; cr;rj;Jf;Fg; Ngha;tpl;ldu;. fle;jfhy ,uhZt mZFKiwfis  kPsTk; kPsTk; nraw;gLj;Jtijj; jtpu NtWtop mtu;fSf;F ,y;iy. jd;dhy; ntw;wpngwf;$ba xU fsj;jpw;Fs; <oj;jkpouJ Nghuhl;ltbtj;ij kl;Lg;gLj;jNt rpwPyq;fh muR Kaw;rpf;fpd;wJ. NghHf;fs newpfisj; jPu;khdpf;Fk; fl;Lg;ghl;ilj; jdf;Fs; itj;jpUf;fNt mJ Kay;fpd;wJ. 

Kd;nkhopag;gl;l ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR vd;gJ <oj;jkpouhy; jpwf;fg;gLk; GjpaNjhH MLfskhFk;. ,jd; newpfisr; rpwPyq;fh muR tiuaiw nra;a KbahJ. mjd; ,uhZt Nkyhz;ikAk; Ms;Gyf;fl;Lg;ghLk; ,q;F nry;Ygbaw;wJ.

10.           ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR vd;gJ ,g;nghOJ ,aq;fptUk; gy;NtW Gyk;ngau; <oj;jkpouJ mikg;Gf;fisg; Nghd;w xd;wh? my;yJ jdpj;Jtk; nfhz;ljh? jdpj;Jtk; nfhz;ljhapd; mJ vt;thW ,g;NghJ ,aq;Fk; epWtdq;fSlDk; fl;likg;Gf;fSlDk; cwTfisg; NgZk;?

gy;NtW FKf epWtdq;fSk; jd;dhu;t mikg;Gf;fSk; Gyk;ngau; <oj;jkpouhy; cUthf;fg;gl;L nraw;gl;L  tUfpd;wd. mit nraw;ghl;lstpYk; cWg;gpdiug; nghWj;Jk; jk;Ks; xj;j jd;ikfisAk; jdpj;jd;ikfisAk; nfhz;Ls;sd. ,t;thwhd mikg;Gfs; Mw;Wk; gzpfspd; Kjd;ikAk; nraw;ghl;L Mw;wYk; Nghw;wj;jf;fd. vdpDk; ,g;nghOJ <oj;jkpoH vjpu;nfhz;Ls;s Njrpa kw;Wk; gd;dhl;L miw$ty;fis vjpu;nfhs;s ,t;tikg;GfSf;F Nkyhd XH mikg;gpd; Njit czug;gl;Ls;sJ. ,Jjhd; Kd;nkhopag;gl;Ls;s ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR MFk;.

kf;fshy; kf;fshl;rp Kiwapy; njupTnra;ag;gl;l NguhsHfisf; nfhz;l ehLfle;j jkpoPo murhdJ Gyk;ngau;e;j jkpo;kf;fspilNa ,aq;Fk; kf;fs; mikg;Gfisj; jd;NdhL ,izj;Jg; gzpahw;Wk;. ,e;j ,izT vt;thW mikaNtz;Lk; vd;gJ njhlHghd fye;Jiuahly;fis ehk; ,g;nghOJ Nkw;nfhz;L tUfpNwhk;.

11.  ehLfle;j jkpoPo murpd; nraw;ghLfs; ,yq;ifj;jPtpDs; thOk; jkpo;kf;fsJ murpay;> FKfk;> nghUz;kpak;> ghJfhg;G> kPs;tho;T> kPs;fl;likg;G kw;Wk; kPs;FbNaw;wk; Mfpait njhlHghf vj;jifa tpisTfis Vw;gLj;Jk;?  

<oj;jkpouJ jd;dhl;rp cupikia ntd;nwLg;gNj ehLfle;j jkpoPo murpd; Kjd;ikahd Fwpf;NfhshFk;.  mNjNtis NtW ,uz;L  KidfspYk; mJ nrayhw;Wk;. xd;W rpwPyq;fhtpd; Ml;rpahsuhy; jkpo;kf;fs; kPJ epfo;j;jg;gLk; mePjpfisAk; Gwf;fzpg;Gf;fisAk; gopthq;fy;fisAk; KbTf;F nfhz;LtUtjw;F Ntz;ba khw;WKaw;rpfis  gd;dhl;L kl;lj;jpy; murje;jpu mbg;gilapy;  Kd;ndLj;jy;. kw;iwaJ Gyk;ngau; jkpouJ Mw;wy;fisAk; tsq;fisAk; xd;Wjpul;b topg;gLj;Jtjd;%yk; rpq;fs ngsj;j Nkyhz;ikr; rf;jpfs;; jhaf tsq;fis Ruz;LtijAk; #iwahLtijAk; jLj;J epWj;Jjy;.  

,e;j  Nehf;fq;fis ntw;wpahf epiwNtw;Wtjw;fhfTk; ,yq;ifj;jPtpDs; thOk; jkpou;j ghJfhg;ig cWjpnra;tjw;Fk; cs;Su; tsq;fs; kPJ mtu;fSf;Fs;s cupikfisj;  jf;fitf;fTk; nghUj;jkhd khw;W xOq;FfisAk; Jiz mikg;GfisAk; ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR fz;lwpe;J cUthf;fp newpg;gLj;Jk; my;yJ Vw;fdNt ,Uf;Fk; epWtdq;fspd; tsq;fisg; nghUj;jkhd Kiwapy; cs;thq;Fk;. Njitahd nghOJ midj;Jyf  cjtp toq;Fk; epWtdq;fs;> ed;nfhil mikg;Gfs;> ,Ujug;G kw;Wk; gy;jug;G Nkk;ghl;L epWtdq;fs; Mfpatw;NwhL cwTfis Vw;gLj;jp jhafj;jpd; kPs;FbNaw;wk;> tsu;r;rpAk; KjyPLk;> kdpjts Nkk;ghL;> #oy; ghJfhg;G vd;git njhlu;ghfg; Ngrp mtu;fspd; gq;fspg;ig  jkpo;kf;fsJ KOikahd epiwTf;fhf topg;gLj;Jk;.

,yq;ifj;jPtpDs; jkpo;kf;fsJ Njrpaj;Jld; ,ize;j murpay; Fwpf;Nfhs;fSf;fhf nraw;gLk; mikg;GfSf;F nghUj;jkhd  cs;sPLfis toq;fp mtw;wpd; tpidj;jpwid ,t;tuR Nkk;gLj;Jk;.

12.          Gyk;ngau;e;J thOk; jkpoUf;F ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR vj;jifa jiyikia toq;Fk;? ehLfle;j jkpoPo murpd; jiyik mtu;fSf;Fj; Njitjhdh? mtu;fs; ,g;nghOJ mile;Js;s FKfg; nghUshjhu Nkdpiy Nghjhjh? 

Nkw;F INuhg;gh> tl mnkupf;fh>  mTj;jpNuypah Kjypa ehLfspy; thOk; Gyk;ngau; FKfq;fis xg;GNehf;Fk; NghJ <oj;jkpou; ntw;wpngw;w FKfq;fspy; xd;whfNt fzpf;fg;gLfpd;wdu;. mtu;fsJ fbd ciog;G> fy;tpawpT> njhopyhw;wy;> mHg;gzpg;G> fPo;g;gbjy;> rpf;fdk;>  nrhj;Jlik> $l;Ltho;f;if MfpaitAk;  jhaf cwTfs; kPJ mtHfs; nfhz;Ls;s gw;Wk; gupTk; kpfTk; tpae;J ghuhl;lg;gLfpd;wJ. vdpDk; NghupdhYk;  ,d td;nray;fspdhYk; rpijf;fg;gl;L ehl;bypUe;J rpjwbf;fg;gl;l xU FKfj;jpw;F> Fwpg;ghf tpLjiyf;fhfg; NghuhLk; XH ,dj;jpw;F> ,r;rpwg;gpay;Gfs; kl;Lk; NghJkhdit my;y.

miuE}w;whz;Lf;F Nky; njhlu;r;rpahf Nkw;nfhs;sg;gl;l ,d td;nray;fshYk; nghUshjhug; Gwf;fzpg;Gf;fshYk; kPz;Lk; kPz;Lk; jwpj;J tPo;j;jg;gl;l jkpo; FKfk; jdJ jd;dhw;wy; %yk; kPsTk; Kistpl;L vOe;jJ. MdhYk; ,f;FKfk; jdJ tsu;r;rpia xUtiuaiwf;Fs; Klf;fpf; nfhz;Ls;sjhfNt Nehf;fg;gLfpd;wJ. fy;tpawptpy; xg;gPl;lstpy; cau; tpOf;fhl;bidf; nfhz;bUe;jhYk; ,f;FKfk; cau; KbntLf;Fk; epiyfspy; ngw;wpUf;ff;$ba gq;F kpf kpff; FiwthfNtAs;sJ. mNjNghd;W $ba Nrkpg;G Mw;wiyf; nfhz;bUf;Fk; <oj;jkpo;r; FKfk; njhopw;gL %yjd cUthf;fj;jpy; kpf eypthdjhfNt fhzg;gLfpd;wJ. njhopy;tpid Mw;wypy; rpwg;Gj; jd;ikfisf; nfhz;bUe;Jk; njhopyhz;ikapYk; njhopy;tha;g;Gfis cUthf;FtjpYk; Nghjpa mf;fiwaw;w epiyikNa epyTfpd;wJ.

,d td;nray;fshy; Njhw;Wtpf;fg;gl;l capuhgj;Jf;fisAk; ,d;dy;fisAk; Jzpfukhf vjpu;nfhz;L jq;fisj; jf;fitj;Js;s <oj;jkpou; jpwe;j re;ijg; nghUshjhuj;ij  vjpu;nfhs;tjw;F Kd;tuj; jaq;FgtHfshfNt cs;sdH. Nghupdhy; ,of;fg;gl;l tha;g;Gf;fis kPsTk; tpiuthff; fl;bnaOg;Gtjw;Fupa fhg;gfq;fs;> kdpjts Nkk;ghl;L mikg;Gfs;> njhopw;gapw;rp eLtq;fs;> gzpepiyaq;fs; Mfpatw;iwf;$l nrhe;jkhff; fl;bnaOg;g Kd;tuhky;  Vw;fdNt ,Uf;Fk; fl;likg;GfspNy jq;fpthOk; FKfkhfNt cs;sdu;. ,e;epiyikfs; ahTk; khw;wg;glNtz;Lk;.

<oj;jkpouJ NkdpiyahdJ gd;dhl;bd;  midj;Jg; gug;GfspYk; fl;bnaOg;gg; glNtz;Lk;;.  jhk; thOk; ehLfsJ nghUshjhuj;jpy; nry;thf;Fr; nrYj;jf;;$ba mstpw;F %yjdthf;fj;jpYk; njhopyhz;ikapYk; <oj;jkpouJ gq;F mjpfupf;fg;glNtz;Lk;. <oj;jkpoupd; mwpthw;wYk; njhopy;rhu; GyikAk; ,d;wp epWtdq;fs; cau; KbntLf;f KbahnjDk; epiy Vw;glNtz;Lk;. gd;dhl;L epWtdq;fspd; cau;epiyfspy; <oj;jkpou;fspd; MSik xspuNtz;Lk;. ,tw;wpd; %yNk <oj;jkpouJ jhaftpLjiyf;fhd gazj;ij tpupTgLj;jTk; tpiuTgLj;jTk; KbAk;. ,jw;F Njitahd nfhs;if mbg;gilahd cj;jpfisAk; jiyikiaAk; ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR toq;Fk;.

13.              ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR mikg;gJ njhlu;ghd gzpfs; ve;jstpy; cs;sd? murpd; tbtKk; Vida tplaq;fSk; ,Wjp nra;ag;gl;L tpl;ldth? Fwpf;fg;gl;l fhy ml;ltizfs; jhaf khe;jNea neUf;fbfNshL xg;gpLk;NghJ fhyePl;lk; nfhz;litahf fUjKbahjh?

‘ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR’ vd;w nraw;wpl;lk; xU GJikahd Kaw;rpahFk;. vdNt mJgw;wpg; Nghjpa fye;Jiuahly;fisAk; fUj;jhly;fisAk;  kf;fspilNaAk; nghUj;jkhd Jiwrhu; epGzu;fspilNaAk; elj;Jjy; ,d;wpaikahjjhFk;. jhafj;jpy; epyTk; khe;jNea mtyq;fs; njhlu;ghf tpiue;J nraw;glNtz;ba Njit czug;gl;lhYk;; <oj;jkpouJ Njrpa tpLjiyf;fhd Gyk;ngau; FKfj;jpd; mjp cau; mikg;ig cUthf;Ftjw;F fzprkhd fhyk; Njit vd;gijAk; fUj;jpw; nfhs;sNtz;Lk;.

,Jtiu Kd;ndLf;fg;gl;l Kaw;rpfs; ahTk; ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR njhlu;ghd fUj;Jiuahly;fshfNt mike;Js;sd. ,f;fUj;Jiuahly;fs; %yk; rpwg;ghd KbTfis cUthf;f Ntz;ba kjpAiufs; fpilj;Js;sd. ,e;j kjpAiufs; ahtw;iwAk; fUj;jpw; nfhz;L ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR njhlu;ghd cUthf;ff; FOTk; Gyikrhu; kjpAiuf; FOTk;; fye;Jiuahb Mf;fg;gLk; jpl;l tpguq;fs; kf;fs; Kd; itf;fg;gLk;.

Kd;nkhopag;gl;Ls;s ehLfle;j jkpoPo muR njhlu;ghd nraw;ghLfs; gyfl;lq;fshf Kd;ndLf;fg;gLtjw;Fj; jpl;lkplg;gl;L nraw;ghLfs; Nkw;nfhs;sg;gl;L tUfpd;wd. mitahtd:

Kjyhk; epiy: fUj;JUthf;fk;.

,uz;lhk; epiy: Jiwrhu; Gyikahsu; FO mikj;jy;.

%d;whk; epiy: gue;j jsj;jpy; ehLfs; jOtpajhf fye;Jiuahly;fis elj;JjYk;   ehLfle;j jkpoPo muir cUthf;Ftjw;fhd FOtpid ehLfs; rhu;e;jjhfj; njupTnra;jYk;.

ehd;fhk; epiy: Kd;nkhopag;gl;Ls;s ehLfle;j jkpoPo murpd; mbg;gil tbtj;ij tiuaiw nra;jYk; NguhsHfisj; njupTnra;tjw;fhd Nju;jy; Kiwia tbtikj;J Kd;ndLj;jYk;.

Ie;jhk; epiy: Nju;e;njLf;fg;gl;l NguhsHfisf; nfhz;ljhd ehLfle;j jkpoPo murpd; murpayikg;G mitiaf;  $l;LjYk; ahg;ig cUthf;fp xg;Gjy; ngWjYk; mjid epiwNtw;Wtjw;fhd murpaw; fl;lis mikg;igk; njhlf;fp itj;jYk;.

Mwhk; epiy:  ehLfle;j jkpoPo muirr; nraw;ghl;Lf;Ff; nfhz;L tUjy;.

Nkw;Fwpg;gpl;l nraw;ghLfspy; ,g;nghOJ 3 Mk; epiyr; nraw;ghLfs; eilngWfpd;wd. 

14.              ehLfle;j muRf;fhd NjHjy; vg;nghOJ eilngWk;?

Gyk;ngaH jkpoH thOk; xt;nthU ehl;bYk; ,j;NjHjiy; 2010 Vg;gpuy; jpq;fSf;F Kd; elj;jp Kbg;gjw;Fj; jpl;lkplg;gl;Ls;sJ. ,J Fwpj;j $Ljy; tpsf;fq;fis ehk; tpiutpy; mwpaj; jUNthk;.

15.              ehL fle;j jkpoPo muR mikf;Fk; nraw;FOtpy; ,ize;J gzpahw;Wtjw;fhd jFjpfs; vit? vt;thW mjpy; ,iztJ?

,f;;FOtpy; ,iza tpUk;GNthu; mfit 18 I epiwT nra;jtHfshf ,Uf;f Ntz;Lk;. ,yq;ifj;jPtpy; <oj; jkpo; kf;fsJ Njrpar; rpf;fYf;Fj; jkpoH Njrpak;> jhafk;> jd;dhl;rpAupik  vd;w Nfhl;ghLfspd; mbg;gilapNyNa murpay; jPHT fhzg;gl Ntz;Lk; vd;w murpay; epiyg;ghl;il Vw;Wf; nfhz;Nlhuhf ,Uf;f Ntz;Lk;.

Xt;nthU ehl;Lf;Fk; FOf;fSf;Fj; jiyik jhq;FgtH ngaiuAk; mtuJ njhlh;G tpsf;fq;fisAk; tpiutpy; mwpaj; jUNthk;. mtHfNshL njhlHG nfhz;L ePq;fs; ,f;FOtpy; ,ize;J nfhs;syhk;. NkYk; vkJ kpd;dQ;ry; KftupNahL njhlHG nfhz;Lk; ,ize;J nfhs;syhk;.

vkJ kpd;dQ;ry; Kftup- info@govtamileelam.org